This aspect of SOE is dealt with in this book. Between and , SOE infiltrated eight agents from Sweden into Germany itself—without losing one man to the Gestapo. Amateur Agent is not a record of heroism, and in parts it is a light-hearted book. Nevertheless, in , the Government seriously considered forbidding its publication on security grounds. Ewan Butler has held a number of important appointments in journalism. His book lifts a corner of what has hitherto been a very thick curtain.
Eight little words may have saved Britain from invasion — and certain defeat — in September There is no doubt that, both at home and abroad, the story was widely believed, and American correspondent William Shirer in his book Berlin Diary even tells of rumoured ambulance trains arriving by dead of night in the German capital packed with the survivors of a foiled invasion attempt, all hideously burned victims of a blazing sea. Yet these eight little words added up to a lie: How are these Big Lies dreamed up?
Equally important, how are they implanted? Tearing away the veil of secrecy, John Baker White who plotted many of the successful deceptions of the last war, tells the exciting story of the weapons employed in this warfare of the mind: The extracts from a considerable quantity of miscellaneous Communist propaganda, which are embodied in the text, have been selected with care as being characteristic of the type of material under reference. In an endeavour to furnish factual information of practical value to those who are directly concerned with Communist propaganda, this analysis of hitherto unassessed material has been made in some detail, but an attempt has also been made to simplify the major issues as far as seems consistent with accurate presentation.
Part I should serve adequately to indicate general trends for those less interested in a detailed survey. Had he defected to the Soviets, as claimed by the Russians and by Dr. In postwar Germany, Dr. John, the last survivor of the conspiracy to assassinate Hitler, found himself the target of many men of power, including Chancellor Adenauer. He served his full legal term in solitary confinement—time spent in preparing this searing book.
The invasion of Northwestern Europe by the combined armed forces of the United States and Great Britain brought to the Continent not only the physical weapons of war, but also the weapon of the spoken and written word. Psychological combat, though not a novel instrument of war, was developed in World War II to truly gigantic proportions. Consolidation propaganda activities — which were to consolidate the socially disorganized liberated areas — aimed at ensuring the friendly cooperation of the civilian populations, particularly in such matters as the restoration of essential public services, and at influencing opinion favorable to the conduct of the war and the post-war aims of the United Nations.
When they were conducted in the immediate combat zone, the consolidation activities were tactical in scope and nature, but once the military emergency period was over they became more ambitious and acquired a long-term or strategical character. In other words, consolidation work meant psychological warfare designed to stabilize — to consolidate — the friendly populations in and behind the fighting areas and to ensure their willing compliance with the measures of army commanders conducting military operations.
Produced for private circulation among the staffs of the two Companies engaged on this work during the second world war, This was truly a job on which the individual work of each person was vital to its success. Without Leagrave the Luton effort was of no avail; without Luton the Leagrave work was inoperable. Each man in the machine room, each cutter at Leagrave, each tier, each bomb packer, each loader, each man in his own sphere, was a vital link in the chain.
The very depleted staffs which produced this newspaper in addition to our own abnormal flow of work makes the story the more remarkable. In the following pages we give a detailed description of the birth of this newspaper, together with press cuttings, letters of appreciation and a complete list of the members of the two staffs who contributed to its success. Specimen copies are also included. This is the story of one man's war. Major Edward Budd was in charge of printing operations for the B. He met their insatiable and often "impossible" demands — newspapers, army forms, propaganda leaflets and much more — and always on time.
In fact the presence of Montgomery is felt throughout. But undoubtedly the leading character is Major Budd himself: On leaving the Army, he became personal assistant to the eccentric millionaire publisher Walter Hutchinson. And that was the beginning of a small war of its own. Major Budd tells his story with verve and humour, without striving for effect, and the result is highly entertaining.
From November to May , Steve Tatham worked alongside American military planners in the Gulf, coordinating the huge media campaign that foreshadowed and accompanied the eventual invasion of Iraq. From first hand experience he witnessed how, in advance of the outbreak of hostilities, the US planned to win over sceptical Arab hearts and minds. Yet as the campaign unfolded, Tatham, the Royal Navy's public spokesman in Iraq, saw how differently the British and Americans regarded the media and how badly journalists from the Arab world, in particular from Al-Jazeera satellite television, were treated in comparison to those from coalition nations.
His book is highly critical of how the United States handled its information war. Images of dead and captured coalition servicemen led to Arab channels being accused of bias against western forces, and such was the demonisation of some channels that many observers began to wonder if President Bush's declaration that 'you are either with us or against us' applied not just to nation states but also to the world's media.
The Soviet Union has always considered the United States the glavnyy vrag the main enemy. Even in the s when the fledgling Soviet state was encircled by its European enemies and the United States was a sleeping giant, Lenin considered America his ultimate target. Written by Herbert Romerstein, a U. Their testimony shocked America. Drawing upon their firsthand knowledge of KGB operations, Romerstein and Levchenko also detail the shocking extent to which forgeries are used to further Soviet interests.
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Ironically, Levchenko was deeply involved in such operations as a KGB agent, while Romerstein has been the target of such activities, in , a letter supposedly written by Romerstein to the chairman of the Senate Intelligence Committee was circulated to the press. In it, he spelled out a program by which the United States could capitalize upon the Chernobyl disaster to embarrass the Soviet Union.
The letter was quickly exposed as a forgery. This authoritative and provocative book is a startling expose of the agents, methods, and operations used by the KGB against the United States. Prior to that, he worked for eighteen years as a staff member with the House of Representatives Intelligence Committee. He has written and lectured extensively on Soviet espionage. Stanislav Levchenko was a major in the KGB. He defected to the United States in and has been instrumental in alerting the U.
With the outbreak of war in he moved to the centre of action, becoming in due course Director-General of the Political Warfare Executive. In this capacity he was responsible for the whole of the British secret propaganda, and his diaries have much to say about its problems, its organisation, its organisation, its personalities which included such men as R. He also had occasion to become a far closer friend of the politicians with whom he worked. His friendship with Eden lasted into peacetime, and there is a moving and detailed portrait of the future prime minister at one of the most difficult periods of his life.
Alexander and many others, and a wealth of fresh anecdotes about all the major figures in public life, particularly Churchill. Lockhart was also British representative to the Czechoslovak Provisional Government, which cemented his friendship with Benes and particularly with Jan Masaryk, their Foreign Minister. It goes without saying that this intimate account of British political life over nearly three decades will be of great interest to the historian, but it will also entertain and inform the general reader. It discusses Anglo-American coordination and domestic struggles that brought in far-reaching changes to propaganda.
These changes had implications for the structures of legitimacy yet occurred largely in isolation from public debate and raise questions regarding their governance. The author argues that independent and public reexamination of continuing strategy development is essential for government accountability and the formation of systems and policies that both respect citizens and build constructive foreign relations.
The book's themes will appeal to a wide readership including scholars and professionals. The Gulf War was the highest profile media war in history. Never before had so many journalists attempted to cover a war from both sides of the conflict. This book traces the role of the media in the Gulf War and examines the attempts by both the coalition and Iraq to influence public opinion through propaganda and persuasion.
Philip Taylor asks how much the public were being told and how much was held back. This revised edition features a new introduction and bibliography which bring the study fully up-to-date. During the Cold War, Radio Free Europe and Radio Liberty broadcast uncensored news and commentary to people living in communist nations. As critical elements of the CIA's early covert activities against communist regimes in Eastern Europe, the Munich-based stations drew a large audience despite efforts to jam the broadcasts and ban citizens from listening to them.
This history of the stations in the Cold War era reveals the perils their staff faced from the Soviet Union, Bulgaria, Romania and other communist states.
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It recounts in detail the murder of writer Georgi Markov, the bombing of the stations by "Carlos the Jackal," infiltration by KGB agent Oleg Tumanov and other events. Appendices include security reports, letters between Carlos the Jackal and German terrorist Johannes Weinrich and other documents, many of which have never been published. During the Second World War certain British propaganda activities were classified as 'black'. From August onwards propaganda work in both the black and white areas was controlled by a secret department designated as the Political Warfare Executive which achieved its greatest black successes under the leadership of Sefton Delmer.
At the height of his wartime maturity black propaganda was not merely distortion or disregard of the truth, nor just sensational rumour-mongering; its power depended upon his ability to identify himself completely with his German target - an immensely subtle operation, relying significantly upon the use of psychology.
One of his greatest achievements was to establish the Atlantiksender short-wave coupled with the immensely powerful Soldatensender Calais medium-wave , both stations offering its listeners stories which were brilliant combinations of truth and falsehood. It was the cumulative effect of these misleading broadcasts which was significant. It is impossible to gauge the extent of damage caused by either the broadcasts or the literature, but Richard Crossman wrote in Includes a chapter by behavioural scientist Dr.
This book argues that future conflicts will be best resolved by focusing attention on altering the behaviours of others, either in advance — and therefore deterring conflict — or as a coupled component in the process of combat and post-combat operations. They also argue that Western Armies have learnt too many lessons the hard way and been found wanting too easily. From spy missions to code breaking, this richly illustrated account of the covert operations of World War II takes readers behind the battle lines and deep into the undercover war effort that changed the course of history. Renowned historian and top-selling author Stephen Hyslop reveals this little-known side of the war in captivating detail, weaving in extraordinary eyewitness accounts and information only recently declassified.
Rare photographs, artifacts, and illuminating graphics enrich this absorbing reference book. This is the third part of a five-volume history of broadcasting in the UK, giving an authoritative account of the rise of broadcasting in this country. This volume covering the period from to , is concerned not only with the impact of the Second World War on the structure, organization, and programmes of the BBC, itself a fascinating subject; it also deals directly with the role of the BBC outside as well as inside Britain within the context of the general political and military history of the war; an exciting, complicated, sometimes controversial role, strangely neglected by historians.
It describes the construction of political warfare machinery in London, showing how it was hampered by two difficulties: Whitehall politics and deep doubts about the war's purpose. The book then examines how political warfare operated as a semi-detached adjunct of diplomacy and how it engaged with the development of armed or otherwise active resistance in France, Denmark, Poland, and Yugoslavia. The book is also a study of British political imagination in a period when Britain perceived itself as a largely independent world power. The experience of near-defeat, however, left the decision-makers with dilemmas about rhetoric and ideology as well as strategy.
A provocative and eye-opening study of the essential role the US military and the Central Intelligence Agency played in the advancement of communication studies during the Cold War era, now with a new introduction by Robert W. McChesney and a new preface by the author Since the mid-twentieth century, the great advances in our knowledge about the most effective methods of mass communication and persuasion have been visible in a wide range of professional fields, including journalism, marketing, public relations, interrogation, and public opinion studies.
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However, the birth of the modern science of mass communication had surprising and somewhat troubling midwives: From the moment it realized that all was lost without American aid, the British Government employed a host of persuasive tactics to draw the U. With the help of talents as varied as those of matinee idol Leslie Howard, Oxford philosopher Isaiah Berlin and society photographer Cecil Beaton, no section of America remained untouched and no method—from Secret Service intrigue to the publication of horrifying pictures of Nazi atrocities—remained untried.
The British sought and won the support of key journalists and broadcasters, including Edward R. Cull details these and other propaganda activities, covering the entire range of the British effort. The part played by the RAF and the famous Shetland Bus Service in equipping and transporting patriots was also of crucial importance, and a special tribute is paid to the women of the resistance in Denmark and Norway. As well as training and equipping guerrillas, they engaged in many daring acts of sabotage and further undermined enemy morale with an ingenious and highly successful campaign of psychological warfare.
Radio Diplomacy and Propaganda investigates the role of international radio broadcasting in diplomacy during the Cold War period and, in particular, the contribution of the BBC and the Voice of America in the construction and projection of foreign policy, together with their role in the dissemination of international propaganda. In addition the radio broadcasts which were monitored in Britain and the US are scrutinized to ascertain how they contributed to the formulation of foreign policy objectives and reactionary propaganda.
Using recently declassified sources, this book provides the first detailed analysis of British and American propaganda targeting the countries of the Middle East during the years of increasing international tension and regional instability immediately following the end of the Second World War. Considering British and American propaganda within the framework of the Cold War crusade against Communism and the Soviet Union, and the developing confrontations between Arab nationalism and the West, the book investigates the central questions of Anglo-American partnership and rivalry in the period when primary responsibility for 'policing' the Middle East passed from one to the other.
War is essentially an organized communication of violence. Propaganda is essentially an organized process of persuasion. Whereas the former attacks the body, the latter assaults the mind in an attempt to affect the way in which participants perform on the field of battle, and to bolster the morale of one side while undermining the will to fight of the other.
Propaganda is as old as human history and has been part of the fabric of conflict since man first picked up a club in anger. Its inextricable association with war has given it a sinister reputation, but, as this book attempts to show, propaganda in itself is a neutral concept: In Munitions of the Mind, Philip Taylor provides a stimulating history, for both general reader and military enthusiast.
He then goes on to examine the development of propaganda techniques in ancient Greece, the Roman Empire, and the Middle Ages before analysing how the art of persuasion functioned in such conflicts as the Thirty Years War and the English Civil War. The invention of printing in the middle of the fifteenth century was a watershed in the history of propaganda, printed material playing a central role in maintaining the power of the Tudors and successive regimes both in England and on the continent.
With the American and French revolutions, propaganda, in a variety of forms, began to come of age.
In the nuclear age propaganda has become an essential means by which superpowers fight each other verbally rather than physically. Dr Taylor argues that persuasion is a necessary means for forging consensus in a liberal democracy and that propaganda for peace is vital in the nuclear age — despite glasnost. If this happens, the war propagandists will be back in business again. When Neville Chamberlain made his famous Peace in Our Time statement in , after the Munich Agreement with Hitler, he may, or may not, have been aware that the new Section D of the Secret Intelligence Service was already making plans to mount an all-out political and sabotage war against Nazi Germany.
This was a new form of warfare, encompassing bribery, black propaganda and sabotage by agents described as having no morals or scruples. To the horror of many, it disregarded the conventions of neutrality and was prepared to hit the Nazi state wherever it could do most damage. Malcolm Atkin reveals how Section Ds struggle to build a European wide anti-Nazi resistance movement was met with widespread suspicion from government, to the extent of a systematic destruction of its reputation.
It was, however, a key pioneer of irregular warfare that led to the formation of the famous Special Operations Executive SOE. His study is the first in-depth account of it to be published since the release of previously secret documents to the National Archives. Some have remained notorious, such as William Joyce Lord Haw-Haw and John Amery who went to the gallows for High Treason, but as this meticulously researched study shows, men like Joyce and Amery are only the visible part of a much larger and more intriguing story below the surface.
This index contains the title, identification number and date of first and last dissemination of all Allied airborne leaflets and magazines produced since the outbreak of war, and dropped by United Kingdom based aircraft. The publications are divided into countries, sub-divided by the year, and the agency responsible for their initiation appears above the titles. There are four classifications, viz. The great majority of these leaflets and magazines were dropped during the hours of darkness and in such cases the first and last nights of their dissemination are shown by divided dates viz.
Clandestine stations generally emerge from the darkest shadows of political conflict. They frequently are operated by revolutionary groups or intelligence agencies that are unable or unwilling to leave a documentary record of their activities. And, unlike printed propaganda, no artifact remains. Consequently, a good deal of what has been published about clandestine radio broadcasting is nothing more than educated guesswork.
In many cases, the guesswork is not even particularly educated. Indeed, this is the first book-length interpretative history of the subject. We have attempted to report as accurately as possible the past and present of clandestine radio broadcasting and, in interpreting the subject matter, to make our guesswork as educated as possible.
Nonetheless, we readily admit that despite our best efforts, we undoubtedly have fallen victim to at least some attempts by clandestine broadcasters, their sponsors, or opponents to deceive outsiders about their true nature. In this respect, our goal of accurately describing the major clandestine stations within their political context is probably unreachable.
We nevertheless hope our work builds a documentary foundation for future research and will pique the interest of others to study in more detail these stations. In short, this book should be considered only the first step in understanding the role of clandestine radio broadcasting in revolution and counterrevolution. This book tells the story of Nazi international broadcasting during and before the Second World War. At its peak German radio stations broadcast in fifty-four languages to a worldwide audience.
For the first time in an international conflict, citizens of the warring nations could hear enemy propaganda in their own living rooms. Many of the voices that they heard belonged to a new type of criminal, the radio traitor. The nickname Lord Haw-Haw is still famous internationally, but there were numerous other radio renegades speaking on behalf of the Nazis. The Nazis' propaganda was sinister enough, but they also ran a series of secret stations that spoke to enemy audiences in the name of 'patriotic' dissidents who claimed to be broadcasting from clandestine transmitters in their own countries.
Using archival material, "Hitler's Radio War" dissects the message that Germany's overt and covert propaganda stations broadcast to their audiences, as well as the lives and motivations of the broadcasters. In the Cold War battle for hearts and minds Britain was the first country to formulate a coordinated global response to communist propaganda.
In January , the British government launched a new propaganda policy designed to 'oppose the inroads of communism' by taking the offensive against it. Taylor traces the increased involvement of the media in issues of peace and especially war from the nineteenth century to the present day. He analyzes the nature, role and impact of communications within the international arena since and how communications interacts with foreign policy in practice rather than in theory.
Using studies which include the Gul War and Vietnam, Taylor details the contemporary problems reporting while at the same time providing a comprehensive historical context.
This is the first book to analyze how the technology to alter images and rapidly distribute them can be used for propaganda and to support deception operations. In the past, propagandists and those seeking to conduct deception operations used crude methods to alter images of real people, events and objects, which could usually be detected relatively easily. Today, however, computers allow propagandists to create any imaginable image, still or moving, with appropriate accompanying audio.
Furthermore, it is becoming extremely difficult to detect that an image has been manipulated, and the Internet, television and global media make it possible to disseminate altered images around the world almost instantaneously. Given that the United States is the sole superpower, few, if any, adversaries will attempt to fight the US military conventionally on the battlefield. Therefore, adversaries will use propaganda and deception, especially altered images, in an attempt to level the battlefield or to win a war against the United States without even having to fight militarily.
Propaganda and Information Warfare in the 21st Century will be of great interest to students of information war, propaganda, public diplomacy and security studies in general. At the same time, NATIS liaised with bodies like the Atlantic Institute and the Bilderberg group in the attempt to promote a coordinated western response.
Examining the role of NATIS as a forum for the exchange of ideas and techniques about how to develop and run propaganda programmes, this book presents a sophisticated understanding of the extent to which national information agencies collaborated. By focusing on the degree of cooperation on cultural and information activities, this analysis of NATIS also contributes to the history of NATO as a political alliance and reminds us that NATO was — and still is — primarily a political organisation.
This is the first book to deal with both British and German propaganda during the Second World War, both as regards what was said at home and what was said to the enemy. The author is uniquely qualified for the task. Professor Balfour first worked in that part of the Ministry of Information which handled publicity on the home front.
In he moved to the Political Warfare Executive which directed propaganda to the enemy and enemy-occupied countries. He has recently gone through their archives in the Public Record Office, sometimes encountering as historical documents papers which he himself helped to produce thirty years earlier. Moreover his job in the Intelligence Directorate of PWE involved him in following German propaganda from day to day, while four books written since the war testify to his familiarity with German history.
He has reinforced this by a special study of the German archives. Of Goebbels in particular he paints a fascinating picture, more interesting and plausible than the usual stereotype. The second part of the book is a detailed analysis, operation by operation, of the way the war news was handled on both sides: The book also presents a new view of the nature and effects of propaganda and of how publicity should be fitted into the machinery of government. Did propaganda live up to the expectations which were sometimes placed on it? Professor Balfour answers the question by explaining the many reasons why it could not.
TheWeaponizationOfSocialMedia develops a framework to understand how social network media shapes global politics and contemporary conflicts by examining their role as a platform for conduction intelligence collection, targeting, cyber-operations, psychological warfare and command and control activities.
Through these, the weaponization of social media shows both the possibilities and the limitations of social network media in contemporary conflicts and makes a contribution to theorizing and studying contemporary conflicts. In this second installment of his autobiography, Sefton Delmer tells of the use to which his unique knowledge of the German people was put during World War II.
Early in , Mr. Delmer was made head of a newly created special section of the Political Warfare Executive, charged with the task of spreading what became known as "black" propaganda amongst the enemy. He started with a secretary and one assistant, but from these small beginnings developed one of the most curious and fascinating by-products of the whole war. The task of Mr. Delmer's team, which grew to include such disparate personalities as a history don, an inspector of schools, a banker, a newspaper editor and an assortment of German and other refugees, was to launch broadcast propaganda which purported to come from a German station.
Delmer gives fascinating examples of actual broadcasts, of deceptions practiced, of lies disseminated, of new techniques whereby he and the merry men of his ghost station "Soldatensender Calais" were able to take over the wavelength of German radio stations driven off the air by radio. Sefton Delmer, whose dispatches were probably read by more people than any other British foreign correspondent's in the years before and after World War II, was born and brought up in Berlin, where his father was Professor of English at the University.
He speaks and thinks as fluently in German as he does in his native tongue. This gave him, when he came in the 'twenties and 'thirties to live again and work as foreign correspondent of the Daily Express in Germany, a unique insight into, and to a large extent sympathy with, the German character.
He himself regards this attribute both as a gift and a curse. Whichever it was, it has enabled him in this book to give the most intimate, revealing and enthralling picture of life in Germany between the two wars ever to have been written, and particularly of the Nazi leaders, all of whom he knew personally. In a secret offensive which is constantly gathering momentum, the Kremlin is waging a ruthless psychological war against the West.
Using what the Russians call 'active measures' - sophisticated techniques of deception, disinformation, forgery, blackmail, subversion, penetration, manipulation, the promotion of violence, including murder and other violations - the Soviet Union, claims Chapman Pincher in this controversial book, is bending the true democracies to the will of Communist dictatorship.
Leaflets, together with radio broadcasts and loudspeaker operations, have formed the core of Army psychological operations. There have been relatively few studies, however, devoted exclusively to the military aspects of psychological operations and even fewer to the individual media. This study on leaflets undertakes to fill, at least partially, this gap. This brief work on military leaflets brings together a mass of information on their wartime uses and should be of value by virtue of its concise statement of some of the more important problems confronting the military users of leaflets.
For those students or operators who are interested in probing more intensively into various aspects of the subject, the study includes a guide to further information in the form of notes to the separate sections and an annotated bibliography at the end of the text. What will become of this little section of England that has been our life for the last year or two This book contains stories of the the world war and the secrets of the people who lived in it.
This book provides a graphic account of the background, equipment, and the tactics of famous military operations. Many of these operations would see the first use of pioneering new weaponry, equipment or military tactics against an unsuspecting enemy.
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These fascinating stories will be of interest to military historians, wargamers and historians alike. This fantastic new book analyses the German raid on the Belgian fort of Eben-Emael and its consequences, separating myth from truth. When the Germans launched their offensive against Belgium, Holland and France in May one major obstacle stood in the way.
Headed by the Canadian industrialist Sir William Stephenson, its first tasks were to promote British interests in the United States, counter Nazi propaganda and protect the Atlantic convoys from enemy sabotage. Despite clashing with J. Revealed here for the first time are the ingenious operations undertaken by BSC, among them attempts to undermine US isolationism and influence American public opinion by making secret payments to popular radio commentators. Other activities included planting false stories in newspapers; forging incriminating documents; recruiting informants in the German-American Bund; and infiltrating spies into Axis embassies.
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The previously classified history of BSC has remained hidden in Whitehall vaults since the end of the war, and amounts to an astonishing catalogue of dirty tricks, daring escapades and high drama. Given access to both personnel and the surviving wartime files, Mackenzie's report was a reference document to be used by intelligence agencies in a future conflict, its audience the very elite of Whitehall insiders. Now, this highly classified account has been made available.
Never before have SOE's operations across the world been described in such detail and with total authority. Mackenzie's document explores numerous controversies and reveals dozens of previously undisclosed episodes from Britain's secret war against the Axis. Who were the agents parachuted in Germany? What became of schemes designed to protect Gibraltar from a Spanish invasion? Why did so many circuits suffer enemy penetration? These and other wartime mysteries are packed into one of the most controversial documents of our time. Set up under the Labour Government in and clandestinely financed from the Secret Intelligence Service budget, IRD was a large organization with close links to MI6 — with which it shared many personnel.
Its influence extended across the world and took in newspapers, magazines, news agencies, book publishing, academia and radio stations. Eisenhower exhorted the Western Allied forces to redouble their efforts to break the German will to resist. In considering this appeal, General Gubbins, whose Special Operations Executive SOE had accomplished much in the liberation of occupied territory, was faced with a fundamental difficulty in the case of Germany. Although some opposition to Nazism existed, it was neither organised nor pro-Allied.
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