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In this sense, the massive appearance of the building, especially inside, was sought or, even more accurately, needed. The higher elevation of the central nave and the overall height of the building required it to rest on sturdy supports walls and pillars and simultaneously required the side naves to be narrower so they could act as buttresses. To complete the balance of forces, each stretch in these side naves was subdivided into three smaller areas covered with groined vaults. This entire articulation visually led to a verticality that is rarely seen in Catalan Romanesque architecture.

The illumination of the church in Cardona is original and achieved through a combination of direct and indi-. The openings that enable light to directly enter the main nave are the upper windows in this same nave perhaps one of the modifications to the initial design and the windows in the apse and the facade. The indirect light filters in through the windows on the side naves, the dome in the crossing and the ends of the transept. This is not the usual way Romanesque churches were illuminated, as they rarely had openings on the central nave.

The construction of the two levels of this monastery church on a difficult site in the first few decades of the 11th century meant that the current trends were adopted, but in an original way. These two churches contrast with the monastic basilica in Sant Pere de Rodes, where the superimposition of orders and a unique chevet provide evidence for an origin within a classically-rooted tradition which must have coexisted alongside the local Romanesque propositions and their innovations and fashions in the 11th century.

Abbot Oliba was a building abbot comparable in many respects to other great European prelates at the time,61 and he decided to reconstruct them out of prestige and taste, to integrate a new style that was quickly making pre-Romanesque art seem obsolete. None of these monasteries needed a larger church either to serve the monastic com-. However, his approach as a builder was different in each case. At the same time, he supplied it with two belfries that were supposed to mark the holy monumental landscape which was to be imposed all over the region, and he added a building on the west centred over a crypt, which was very fashionable at the time, which he dedicated respectively to the Trinity and to the Virgin Mary.

The pre-Romanesque basilicas were consecrated in and , respectively, and it was impossible that the builders of two large buildings consecrated only three years apart were not keeping an eye on each other as they built. Both early Romanesque basilicas, consecrated in and , respectively, were almost certainly also the subject of major debates, especially since they had the same patron. The decision to once again build two buildings that were only a little over 50 years old at the time was taken by the same man, Abbot Oliba, who likewise soon after becoming the Bishop of Vic took a similar decision to reconstruct and consecrate the cathedral of Sant Pere in this city in , despite the existence of a previous church complex that was still being used in In Ripoll, the current state of research does not allow us to say whether the basilica preserved any of the structure from the preceding one.

The problem revolves around how the enlargement was undertaken, that is, to what extent the existing structures were reused. Junyent posited an enlargement of the chevet with a transept and seven apses, and of the facade with two towers. This structure of a chevet with three apses aligned on each wing of the transept and a larger one surmounting the central nave confirms the unity and balance of the design.

Likewise, the breadth of the central nave allows us to consider the reuse of pre-Romanesque structures. While Junyent was in favour of the wooden roof remaining until the 12th century, what Puig i Cadafalch clearly viewed as the coexist-. Recently, the political and symbolic nature of the 11th century basilica in Ripoll has been spotlighted, which was reflected in the act of consecration. This has been interpreted as the reflection of a clearly unifying and programmatic desire to somehow reproduce the layout of the chevet of the most prestigious monument in Western Christianity: I have personally stressed the Roman bent of the architecture promoted by Oliba as a specific example of the sights on Rome that obsessed the builders in the Romanesque period.

Once he was the Bishop of Vic, he most likely returned there another time. In Ripoll, in around his abbey decided to inspire a construction that looked towards the chevet of the most symbolic temple in Roman Christianity: In Vic, six years later, he had a circular church built devoted to the Virgin Mary. With it, in around he aimed to directly echo the celebrated circular building which, after being the Roman Pantheon, became a church that Pope Boniface IV had dedicated to the Virgin Mary and all the saints on the 13th of May as Santa Maria dei Martiri.

Oliba probably did not have the economic wherewithal to transport all the ancient materials needed to build his prestigious basilicas from Rome to Ripoll and Vic. Instead, he wisely used local forms of construction, materials and master builders, for both economic and also probably ideological reasons, to carry out a Roman idea and policy that he managed to capture in architectural forms. At that time, the prestige of Rome stemmed not only from the palaeo-Christian basilicas dating from the time of Constantine and the tombs of the saints and martyrs; rather it mainly came from the ancient works of art, the colossal architecture of the Pantheon and the Coliseum and even more from the monuments that associated the symbols of history with the prestige of architectural and artistic creation: In Vic, in front of the cathedral, I have proposed that Oliba wanted to draw inspiration from the Roman Pantheon as part of an ideological and political architecture pro-.

The complex also had a church dedicated to Saint Eulalia. After the year , the church of Sant Miquel was once. The crosssing, which was supposed to be finished with towers on either side that were ultimately never built, has such thick walls that the side apses are embedded within them. As result, thanks to the importance of the presbytery, the central apse stands out and takes prominence. The side naves have ribbed arches; the wings of the transept have a barrel vault without main arches; and the crossing has a dome made of a vault with large ribs. The most spectacular part of the outside of the cathedral is its chevet, especially the central apse.

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Attached half-columns, inspired by the pilasters of the early Romanesque, articulate the apse, which has three large windows with graduated arches and a fascinating upper gallery which is clearly indebted to Italian models. This gallery, which has semicircular arches, confers a great deal of transparency and monumentality on the apse while also illuminating the transept. Sureda has gradually combined this with abundant information from written sources and a comparative study. In his thesis, the historiographic section reveals the different opinions on the history of the cathedral and its buildings since the 17th century.

Because the centuries of late antiquity and the early Middle Ages left no identifiable physical traces, the next architectural complex revealed today is the 11th century cathedral started in around , each of whose parts Sureda outlines in detail along with their general features placement, building techniques and decoration. It had a symmetrical layout with a central body as wide as the nave, flanked by two side bodies that were almost perfect squares. It was a monumental complex that played the role of an entry tower, perhaps with two levels.


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The building had a single nave It had a transept whose wings barely jutted out, and a little-known chevet which is assumed to have been made up of a single, large apse that stood out considerably, like the one in Vic. The transept is straight and the square-shaped side apses are shallow and embedded in the walls. It was a small building measuring Its internal diameter was 25 metres, and it had a small, central crypt located inside the apse of the previous basilica. Typology of the structures In his treatise, Josep Puig i Cadafalch, as a good historian of architecture, often classified monuments according to the typology of their structures.

Many certainties remain from his study, but there are also dubious areas awaiting clarification in future studies. Perhaps an even more serious lack in Catalonia today is a documentary and archaeological study of the construction, the organisation of work and the technical aspects oriented at the social history of architecture. In reality, the excavations conducted in the presbytery have yielded no results to confirm this, although we can assume that the hypothetical crypt might be located further along, inside the nave of the church.

In fact, there is an underground vaulted cavity under the main nave, although it is quite difficult to enter. New surveys must be conducted in the three naves beyond the excavations performed under the crossing and the chevet. One of the most characteristic and popular features of the Catalan Romanesque is belfries, which also served to keep watch over and defend the church and towns and were veritable hallmarks of identity. As the Romanesque period progressed, these structures are increasingly less massive and more slender.

The square-shaped belfry four or more storeys tall with windows crowned with semicir-. The Romanesque belfry in the cathedral of Girona is one of the prime examples of this model, with a square floor plan and cubic elevation divided into different levels decorated with pilasters and blind arches and changing windows on the upper and lower parts of the main body. It has seven levels separated by friezes of arches which are virtually blind on the two lower levels.

The belfry of Sant Pere of Vic is documented as far back as It is made of small, regular stones and is situated on the northern side of the cathedral near the Sant Joan doorway of the transept. A floor plan preserved from the 16th century shows that the belfry was freestanding from the main building and was only connected to it via a narrow walkway.

Religious architecture and liturgy Another fundamental issue that has helped to break the stalemate in studies on religious architecture is the relationship between the form, the architectural typology and the function. The study that Marc Sureda has just devoted to a pastoral visit to the cathedral of Vic illustrates everything that can be extracted from these late documents in order to understand Romanesque buildings and their liturgical functions back when they conserved the majority of their original features that date back to the 11th century, as Vic does.

The transition from the 11th to 12th centuries The major construction projects that had gotten underway before were completed during the second half of the 11th century, and the process of renovation and reconstruction of church and monastic buildings that characterised what is called the early Romanesque continued unabated. Throughout the last few decades of the 20th century, a historiographic trend developed in studies on mediaeval art which exaggerated the effects of the Church reform known as the Gregorian Reform after Pope Gregory VII, who died in In some cases, it has been extended to the entire religious artistic output of the period and even to geographic regions quite far from the Rome of the reforming pope from the late 11th century.

This phenomenon, which started particularly in the monastery of Santa Maria de Vilabertran, was unquestionably grounded on the canonical reform of Saint Rufus of Avignon. Saint Ollegarius himself, who had served as the prior in this canonical church, was a driving force behind the reform in Catalonia when he became the Bishop of Barcelona and reinstated the Metropolitan of Tarragona. The fact that many parishes were reconverted into canonical churches or priories unquestionably fostered the revamping of the architecture.

This profusion continued during the 12th century, when new religious orders were established in Catalonia that would supply their own constructions. The master builders who had worked in Catalonia on the renovation and reconstruction of the large cathedrals in the first few decades of the 11th century had formed a school and continued working either on the continuation of these projects or on the reform of other churches that had not undergone this process earlier.

This reconstruction movement extended from the countships in the easternmost part of Catalonia towards the Pyrenees, and then headed towards the western part of the country towards the lands that had just been conquered back from the Muslims. In some cases, this renovation meant building from scratch and tearing down the previous structures, while in others the existing building was only partly modified.

Therefore, the country opened itself up to new lands which had to be Christianised and economically and socially reactivated. The lands conquered from the Muslims became virgin territory for the construction of cathedrals and monasteries, churches and chapels, or for the reconversion former mosques, such as the Seu Vella old cathedral of Lleida. All of this bustling architectural activity came hand in hand with the vast wave of church renovation and reform.

There, the basilica structure, mainly with a single nave either with or without a transept, received a new impetus. In the bishopric of Urgell, the old churches had practically not been reformed since the 10th century, so the renovation movement gained special momentum there. The most emblematic project was the construction of the new cathedral, which adopted the well-known forms of the basilica layout with a single nave, transept and rather simple chevet. The tradition of the early Romanesque continued in the inland regions of Catalonia with the addition of new elements like the early attempts at a pointed vault, a more prominent presence of sculptural decorations and the use of columns either attached to pillars and apses or flanking the doorways.

The monumentality of the early Romanesque was enhanced by the decorative component and the profusion of sculpture, works by artists with close ties to Roussillon which could also be seen in the sculpture of Toulouse. Based on evidence from the first half of the 11th century, a typology of building had been developed with a basilica layout with one or three naves covered with a barrel vault in the central nave and with half-barrel vault on the side naves.

The model of a chevet with three apses with a transept open to a single nave was increasingly rare, al-. The pillars, which tended to be rectangular in shape, gradually took on a more cruciform shape and supported the decorative arcades in the apses and vaults with their attached columns. The crossing could be more or less obvious. Regarding the external appearance of the building, blind arches were the main decorative element, especially in the apse, but they gradually gave way to attached columns and corbels under serrated friezes.

The belfries retained their previous structure, but they were increasingly slender. Among the new developments contributed by French architecture we can mention not only the more decorative appearance of the sculptures but also the apsidioles embedded inside the thick walls. Likewise, starting in the late 11th century, we gradually see much more meticulous stonecutting wrought by master stonecutters who were highly skilled in their trade. The ashlars were larger and better squared, and the blocks were arranged in a much more orderly fashion. The neatness of the cutting technique made it possible to craft decorative architectural elements cornices, attached columns, imposts which gradually came to enrich the monumentality of the basilicas from the 11th century.

These ornamental elements, which started out quite simple, gradually evolved towards more complex forms until becoming large capitals and tympana rendered in the second half of the 12th and the 13th centuries. Monastery cloisters would play a key role in this, with their galleries and double columns holding up the arcades, which offered vast possibilities for developing ornamental sculpture. Late Romanesque architecture 12th — 13th centuries The late Romanesque got underway in Catalonia — and it is worth stressing again — right in the midst of the Gothic period.

Romanesque architecture from the middle and second half of the 12th century, both in Catalonia and elsewhere, is characterised by the use of large sculpted facades which follow a strict architectural composition. It is no longer a carbon copy of a classical triumphal arch; rather it reveals such profound knowledge among the builders of this kind of monument that they were empowered to organise the whole into two superimposed levels set off by two staggered columns on either corner crowned by a continuous frieze.

The comparison with the decoration of Carolingian reliquaries in the shape of triumphal arches offered by Eginard in the Abbey of Saint Servatius of Maastricht reveals the triumphal symbolism: This is a Christian version of the Roman programmes aimed at glorifying the emperor. Three doorways decorated with statues and reliefs brimming with iconography invade the facade, which is in turn enriched with pillars, porticoes and columns.

They form a coherent. In the neighbouring town of Arles, another large-scale construction project was undertaken during the same period: There we find a composition based on architraves and friezes which are completed with a colonnade interspersed with statues, like a kind of monumental Romanesque religious tribute to the great triumphal monuments of the ancient world. The functionality that was supposed to dominate Cistercian buildings meant that they were developed using new technical solutions, such as the pointed arch and new concepts of how to lay out the architectural spaces and support the roofs.

The Cistercian order, which played an essential role in defining a highly characteristic early Gothic style, contributed to Catalan architecture not only new technological solutions for constructing and supporting buildings, such as the use of pointed arches and ribbed vaults, but also and more importantly new ways of conceiving and structuring the architectural space.

In this sense, the specific architectural elements were nothing other than the logical outcome of giving the building a certain shape according to needs which were also quite precise. If a monastery needed to create a single meeting area a chapterhouse room, the naves of the church or the cellar , new architectural resources had to be found that would make it feasible. Cistercian architecture was above all functional, and this is how it came to develop a series of technical solutions, some which would clearly survive into the Gothic period.

In Catalonia, Romanesque architecture survived for many years, until well into the 13th century. The kind of architecture grounded on a synthesis between the Romanesque structural tradition and new architectural elements from the Gothic which had taken root in northern France since was disseminated mainly through the construction of parish churches in rural settings which show a wide variety of structural solutions. Generally speaking, Catalan religious architecture in the 13th century was characterised by the traditional substrate dating from the second half of the 12th century, in terms of both the spatial and structural conception of the building and the visual appearance of the architecture itself.

The floor plan did not vary, while in the elevation of churches the pointed shape became widespread in both. Oftentimes, the only change in an architectural style that kept to the pathway laid down in the previous century was the introduction of different decorative elements. In fact, the shift from semicircular barrel vaults to pointed vaults did not entail substantial changes in the structure of these buildings. Likewise, the pointed vault was not an innovative feature in the 13th century if we bear in mind that it can be found in churches like Santa Maria of Colera, which had been built in the first few decades of the 12th century.

The most common floor plan was rectangular with a semicircular or flat apse, although apses in the Latin cross or more rarely basilica shape could also be found. The cathedrals in Lleida and Tarragona are the two major works of architecture from the 13th century and simultaneously mark the shift from fully Romanesque architecture, whose typological schemas had been developed in the 11th century, to a kind of architecture that began to draw from the Gothic vernacular.

They span two different worlds not only because their construction lasted until the 14th century but also because at the late date when the new technical solutions spread by the Cistercians were already widely known, the builders of these cathedrals chose an old typology yet one that was deeply rooted and had yielded proven results. At the same time, these two complexes have similar features, such as primarily their constructive unity, despite possible variations in their construction and the combination of a Romanesque architectural substrate with elements that can be regarded as Gothic.

Likewise, we cannot lose sight of the fact that they became two centres that not only spurred new constructions but also became major sculpture workshops. Construction on the new cathedral of Tarragona began in the late 12th century, as gleaned from the testimony left by the construction process preserved since The apse was finished by around The new structure was consecrated in the first third of the 13th century, which at least indicates that construction was at an advanced stage. Since it was located at the highest point within the ancient urban nucleus, the shape of the building had to be adapted to space constraints, and this conditioned its shape, especially the cloister.

The church follows the usual model of a Latin cross basilica layout with three naves and a well-defined transept, similar to Lleida, which juts out from the naves. The chevet is made of three staggered semicircular apses with deep presbyteries, in which the central one stands out for being deeper and wider than the ones on the side naves. However, the crossing does not have symmetrical wings, given the fact that the cloister is attached to the northern side. Nor does the apsidiole on this side have the same proportions as its counterpart. The naves are covered with vaults with moulded ribs, and the cruciform pillars holding them up show the usual attached columns, here in pairs, which are actually an extension of the arches of the vaults.

The main nave in Tarragona is the tallest of all the previous examples of Catalan architecture.

Sans i Travé, Josep Maria

However, while the proportions can be considered Gothic, the concept of the spatial layout of the volumes still falls within the Romanesque, despite the size. In contrast, the cruciform pillars indicate that the naves were probably originally supposed to be covered with ribbed arches.

Another exceptional element in Catalan late Romanesque religious architecture is the presence of a high number of windows in the central apse, three on the lower level and seven on the upper. Despite their pointed shape, however, the windows still show an archaic form. The octagonal cimborio, on the other hand, which was built in around the midth century, is also covered with ribbed vaults and held up by angular squinches, following a pattern quite similar to that of Sant Cugat.

For the cloister in Tarragona, the builders resorted to a typology that we can also find in the Cistercian abbeys from the late 12th century, including Santa Maria of Poblet or Vallbona de les Monges. This typology is made up of four covered galleries with ribbed vaults. The arcades that run around the entire perimeter are structured on two levels: The case of Lleida is no less interesting. As a result of this deed, Bishop Guillem Pere de Ravidats consecrated the main mosque, built in , dedicating it to the Virgin Mary.

There have been many hypotheses about the location of this first cathedral: It likely occupied part of the land where the new basilica was built after During the 12th century, there were plans to build a new cathedral beginning with the left wing of the transept in and continuing towards the apsidioles on the right wing of the transept until the Anunciata doorway, which was finished in around Bishop Guillem de Montcada consecrated the new cathedral of Lleida on the 31st of October The short time span in which the Seu Vella of Lleida was built leads us to posit a highly unitary construction programme with very few modifications.

We can see two clearly differentiated stages in construction: The whole is balanced, proportional, harmonious and homogenous. The hypothesis of a change in approach to the structure of the roof can be justified by the archaeological interventions, which have re-. The Seu Vella of Lleida falls within the typology of the Romanesque building with a basilica floor plan, with three naves and a transept that is clearly marked both horizontally and vertically. It originally had five apses, only the second of which is preserved on the northern side, and a central apse, which has a large presbytery.

It was a perfectly symmetrical structure that included a staggered chevet with five semicircular apses decreasing in size. The structure of the chevet is similar to the one in Tarragona, but in this case it is much more unitary and skilfully resolved. The naves, which are quite short, are arranged into three stretches clearly marked by arcades covered with ribbed vaults held up by complicated cruciform pillars with attached columns, which start from one podium and receive the ribs of the vault and the reinforcement arch.

In the middle of the transept is an octagonal cimborio covered by an eight-part ribbed vault raised over four squinches and four arches. Despite the late date, the use of ribbed vaults and the introduction of elements from Gothic architecture such as the pointed arch, we cannot consider the Seu Vella of Lleida a Gothic building in that the layout of the architectural elements and space and the treatment of light are clearly Romanesque.

Another element that reinforces the presence of a Romanesque idea is the fact that it retained the semicircular windows in the nave with archivolts and columns, even though the cimborio features a Gothic arch and simple tracery. The Seu Vella of Lleida thus represents the maturity of Catalan Romanesque architecture at a late date, when the previous formulations were very coherently compiled and combined with the new contributions, without this synthesis breaking the unity of the design.

The late 12th and early 13th centuries was a time in which the West witnessed a unique artistic paradox in the history of art. The regions in northern France had been undergoing the revolution of a new style, Gothic architecture, for almost half a century, while further south along the Mediterranean, yet also in other regions of Europe, a traditional style, the Romanesque, was experiencing another renaissance, another life, not because of a lack of knowledge of the Gothic being built near, Paris but out of the sheer will of the designers of these buildings.

Regarding the perception and use of Romanesque architecture and the art from the early mediaeval period in general in the 20th century, see: Xavier Barral i Altet. Pere Freixas, Jordi Camps dirs. Simposi internacional 25 i 26 de novembre de For a historiographic perspective, see: Regardless of the specific subject being studied, an indispensable work is the annual series I Convegni di Parma. Le croire et le voir.

Gallimard, Paris ; Carlo Tosco. Il castello, la casa, la chiesa. Einaudi, Turin ; Arti e. Enrico Castelnuovo, Giuseppe Sergi. Le temps des croisades. Taschen, Cologne ; Idem. Zodiaque, Paris ; Andreas Hartmann-Virnich. Geschichte, Formen und Technik des romanischen Kirchenbaus. Gallimard, Paris ; Nicolas Reveyron. Seuil, Paris , pp. Revue des deux mondes, ; Xavier Barral i Altet. Les cahiers de Saint-Michel-de-Cuxa, no. Edicions 62, Barcelona Fayard, Paris , pp. A similar proposal for France would be put forth shortly thereafter by Robert de Laysteyrie. Panini, Modena , pp. Colloque International Caen, juin Texts compiled and published by Vincent Juhel.

Blass, Madrid ; Idem. Il Medioevo delle Cattedrali. Skira, Milan , pp. Electa, Milan , pp. Josep Puig i Cadafalch. Le premier art roman. Laurens, Paris Catalan edition: Henri Focillon et les arts Lyon, 22nd January — 26th April Snoeck, Gand ; Henri Focillon. Actes du colloque Paris, mars Barcelona Town Hall, Barcelona , pp. Electa, Milan, , pp. Flammarion, Paris ; Gianluigi Ciotta. La cultura architettonica carolingia: Franco Angeli, Milan Katalog der Denkmaeler bis zum Ausgang der Ottonen.

Prestel, Munich ; Carol Heitz. Edicions 62, Barcelona ; Jacques Fontaine. Jaca Book, Milan Also highly interesting and suggestive are the observations about Catalonia by Gerardo Boto. Aguilar de Campoo Cristian Folch and Jordi Gibert. For several more observations, see Xavier Barral i Altet. Hortus artium medievalium, no. Les cahiers de SaintMichel de Cuxa, vol. Joseph Puig i Cadafalch. Le Premier art roman.

Armand Colin, Paris Le vie del Medioevo. Atti del convegno internazionale di studi Parma A highly disputed point of view today: Romanesque Architecture and Sculpture in the Meuse Valley. Anales de Historia del Arte, , pp. Il medioevo delle cattedrali. Bulletin monumental, , pp. Actes du colloque Tournus, June Jacques Thirion, Le Centre, Tournus This volume was published after the writing of this text and contains a number of papers in which authors develop issues that often have been treated in their other works.

However, this volume completes information on topics that I treat in this. Les cahiers de SaintMichel de Cuxa, no. Milano e le origine della pittura romanica lombarda. Commitenze episcolapi, modelli iconografici, maestranze. Scalpenze editore, Milan Anuario de Estudios Medievales, no. Los prioratos de la provincia y sus redes sociales ca.

Picard, Paris ; Idem. Vom Umbruch zur Erneurung? Jahrhundert — Positionen der Forschung. Fink, Munich , pp.


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Editions du Patrimoine, Paris Elites, edilicia y territorio en el Mediterraneo medieval siglos v-xi. Les cahiers de Saint-Michel de Cuxa, no. El monestir de Sant Pere de Rodes. Isot, located Some military orders also set up convents for women in near Bellfort in the township of La Baronia de Rialp La Catalonia with no men present.

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In the convent complex, after having offered herself to the Temple as a soror in there were quarters for the chaplains, the prioress — where Catalan Historical 4 Eng. The future nuns often entered the convent at a decide to permanently move the community to Barcelona young age and received the training appropriate for their in , and the Alguaire convent was abandoned. Even though there were plans for a community of 13 disappeared.

In , for women to serve the community, in addition to servants example, it only had two nuns. There is also evi- eral mills in the city of Lleida and the rights to the irriga- dence of several male and female slaves between and tion channel in Fontanet, Alcoletge and Vallseguer. The sanitary conditions derived from the existence of the irri- former was moved to the Eixample in to become La Catalan Historical 4 Eng. The cloister was also moved beside the the Humane. This merger was confirmed by Pope Bene- parish church, albeit in a smaller form.

Les cases de Templers was profoundly feudal, since its members were made to i Hospitalers a Catalunya. Aplec de noves i docu- swear an oath of loyalty to their superior. Introduction by Josep M. Historia de las Cruzadas. Alianza, Ma- point the leaders of the order. As a result, pert. How- [4] Regarding pilgrimages to the Holy Land, see Nicole ever, its participation in the conquests of Mallorca and Chareyron.

Several figures provided order to create a priory in the city of Valencia. Vatican City , pp. Zaragoza , and regarding his will, [6] John J. Riley-Smith, The Knights of St. John in Je- see p. The diversity of opinions and the con- rusalem and Cyprus, c. London troversy regarding the reasons for this will and the anastatic edition, Chippenham and Eatsburne, institutional problems derived from it are discussed , pp.

Benjamin Kedar, John J. A Reassess- Smith ed. Her vision was contested , pp. Durham University Journal, no. Untersuchungen , pp. The can be seen in Elena Lourie. A Reply to Dr. Regarding the De la rosa a la creu. Studi Medievali, De la rosa a la creu. See Joaquim Miret i Sans. Les cases Militia Christi e crociata nei secoli xi-xiii.

Atti della de Templers i Hospitalers a Catalunya. Aplec de XI Settimana internazionale di studio. Introduction by Josep 28 agosto-1 settembre. Miscellanea del Centro di M. Balard, Paris Ledesma Rubio. Templarios y Hospitalarios en el , pp. Guara, Saragossa , p. Dalmau, Barcelona , pp.

Barcelona , Jordi Rovira ed. Dalmau, Barcelona , p. La orden del Hospital en la Volume I. Poder y gobierno en la Caste- tran Discurs llegit el dia 10 de desem- tos. Also worth vira ed. Discurs lle- Jordi Rovira ed. Els templers de les Terres de , pp.

Vic del Temple de Gardeny Cartes de fra Ramon de Barcelona. Els Hospitalers catalans a la Eral and Pere de Montagut: Untersuchungen zur Geschichte p. La orden del Hospital en la Corona de bert Eral and pp. CSIC, Madrid , p. Dalmau, Barce- Ligarzas, no. Regarding the lona , p. Order of the Hospital, the literature is somewhat [29] Pierre Bonneaud.

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I am referring to the extensive [30] Unfortunately, there is a dearth of prosophograph- bibliography contained in my introduction to the ic works by the provincial heads of both orders. Introduction plier et Hospitalier, Millau , pp. Els Hospitalers catalans a static reissue from , pp. Anuario de Estudios Medievales, no. Some religious women from les costumes privades. Barcelona, , the Hospital in Catalonia also have their own bio- pp. Anuario de Es- Ruata.

Miquel Coll i Alentorn. Genera- vembre de The prioress Margarida p. Apuntacions in the 15th century Pierre Bonneaud. Discurs llegit el dia 10 de desembre de De la rosa a la creu. Barcelona, De la rosa a la creu.

Sans i Travé, Josep Maria [WorldCat Identities]

Poder y gobierno en la Caste- de Febrer de El temps sota control. Poder y gobierno en la Caste- natge a F. Revista di Storia Vol. Poder y gobierno p. Els concilis Ilerdenses Madrid , pp. Els Hospitalers mitjana El Cardenal Albornoz y el thony Luttrell. Actes de les Jornades Internacionals pp. CSIC, 7, 8 i 9 de maig de La Commanderie, institution des or- [61] Pierre Bonneaud. Entre el Temple i rona de Castilla. La Olmeda, Burgos , p.

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Arquitectura i formes de vida al castell [65] Malcolm Barber. The Horns of Hattin. These figures Templare di Poggiobonsi-Siena maggio fundamentally dovetail with the ones supplied by Forey in his studies in which he discusses this issue: Les ordres see Alan J. Malcolm Paris , pp. Variorum, Aldershot, the answers to the inquisitors during the question- , pp. Els Ordes Militars, Lomax and David Mac- fi dels templers catalans. God and Man in Medieval Spain. Poder y gobierno en la Caste- Franca Sardi ed. Templare di Poggiobonsi-Siena maggio [69] Anthony Luttrell.

Actes de les Primeres Jornades sobre [58] Anthony Luttrell. Giovanni Minnucci and segles xii-xix Montblanc, novembre de , Franca Sardi ed. Els Hospitalers catalans a la fi de De la rosa a la creu. Lleida, la ciutat dels dos turons. Ateneu [73] Anthony Luttrell. De la rosa a la creu. Cesarea de Palestina i Arsuf van caure en i el totes les ciutats importants de Galilea. Tot aquest sortint era dominat per la Barbacana del Rei Hug.

El castell del rei, ocupat per l' Orde de l'Hospital , estava situat davant del barri de Montmusart i enganxat a la muralla interior. Durant la marxa va escriure al Gran Mestre de l' Orde del Temple , Guillem de Beaujeu anunciant que reconqueriria Acre per l' Islam , [14] i es van presentar diverses escaramusses amb patrulles de templers, que foren fets presoners. Les defenses de la ciutat estaven compostes per Els soldats es van preparar i tots els camperols de viles properes es van establir intramurs.

Els crits de guerra dels soldats que van participar en l'atac inicial van ser acompanyats pel batre dels tambors i el sonar de les trompetes. El 4 de maig van arribar 2. Els cavallers del Temple, transportant els cossos de tots dos, es van posar sota les Ordes del Mariscal de l'Orde Pierre de Severy, qui va ordenar la retirada cap a la fortalesa templera, al sud de la ciutat, a prop del port.