The Security Council, under the Charter, can take action to prevent aggression against Palestine from outside. The Security Council, by these same powers, can take action to prevent a threat to international peace and security from inside Palestine. But this action must be directed solely to the maintenance of international peace. If it is found that they are not, we should decline to accept them. Therefore, we must interpret the General Assembly resolution as meaning that the United Nations measures to implement this resolution are peaceful measures.
The Security Council President, speaking as the representative from China, responded: It would be tragic indeed if the United Nations, by attempting a political settlement, should be the cause of war. For these reasons, my delegation supports the general principles of the proposal of the United States delegation.
Mindful of the worsening situation in Palestine, and wishing to avoid further debate, the U. Chapter 1, Article 1 of the U. It is tasked to initiate studies and make recommendations to promote international cooperation and the development of international law, to receive reports from the Security Council and other organs of the U. It is also tasked with performing functions under the international trusteeship system.
Its authority is otherwise limited to considering and discussing matters within the scope of the Charter, making recommendations to Member States or the Security Council, or calling attention of matters to the Security Council. Chapter V, Articles 24 through 26, states the functions and powers of the Security Council. It is tasked with maintaining peace and security in accordance with the purposes and principles of the U. Under Chapter VI, the Security Council may call upon parties to settle disputes by peaceful means, investigate, and make a determination as to whether a dispute or situation constitutes a threat to peace and security.
Under Chapter VII, the Security Council may determine the existence of a threat to peace and make recommendations or decide what measures are to be taken to maintain or restore peace and security. The system is to operate in accordance with the purposes of the U. A Trusteeship Council is established to assist the General Assembly and the Security Council to perform their functions under the system. Members of the United Nations which have or assume responsibilities for the administration of territories whose peoples have not yet attained a full measure of self-government recognize the principle that the interests of the inhabitants of these territories are paramount, and accept as a sacred trust the obligation to promote to the utmost, within the system of international peace and security established by the present Charter, the well-being of the inhabitants of these territories….
The partition plan put forth by UNSCOP sought to create within Palestine a Jewish state contrary to the express will of the majority of its inhabitants. Despite constituting only a third of the population and owning less than 7 percent of the land, it sought to grant to the Jews more than half of Palestine for purpose of creating that Jewish state. It would, in other words, take land from the Arabs and give it to the Jews.
The inherent injustice of the partition plan stands in stark contrast to alternative plan proposed by the Arabs, of an independent state of Palestine in which the rights of the Jewish minority would be recognized and respected, and which would afford the Jewish population representation in a democratic government. The partition plan was blatantly prejudicial to the rights of the majority Arab population, and was premised on the rejection of their right to self-determination.
This is all the more uncontroversial inasmuch as the UNSCOP report itself explicitly acknowledged that the proposal to create a Jewish state in Palestine was contrary to the principle of self-determination. The plan was also premised upon the erroneous assumption that the Arabs would simply acquiesce to having their land taken from them and voluntarily surrender their majority rights, including their right to self-determination. General Assembly Resolution neither legally partitioned Palestine nor conferred upon the Zionist leadership any legal authority to unilaterally declare the existence of the Jewish state of Israel.
Naturally, to have any weight of law, the plan, like any contract, would have to have been formally agreed upon by both parties, which it was not. Nor could the General Assembly have legally partitioned Palestine or otherwise conferred legal authority for the creation of Israel to the Zionist leadership, as it simply had no such authority to confer.
When the Security Council took up the matter referred to it by the General Assembly, it could come to no consensus on how to proceed with implementing the partition plan. It being apparent that the plan could not be implemented by peaceful means, the suggestion that it be implemented by force was rejected by members of the Security Council.
The simple fact of the matter is that the plan was never implemented. Numerous delegates from member states, including the U. In sum, the popular claim that the U. Further corollaries may be drawn. The disaster inflicted upon Palestine was not inevitable. Yet it failed miserably to do so, on numerous counts. It failed in its duty to refer the legal questions of the claims to Palestine to the International Court of Justice, despite requests from member states to do so.
It failed to use all means within its authority, including the use of armed forces, to maintain peace and prevent the war that was predicted would occur upon the termination of the Mandate. And most importantly, far from upholding its founding principles, the U. The consequences of these and other failures are still witnessed by the world today on a daily basis.
Recognition of the grave injustice perpetrated against the Palestinian people in this regard and dispelling such historical myths is essential if a way forward towards peace and reconciliation is to be found. Secretary-General, April 2, , http: General Assembly Resolution , May 15, , http: Vintage Books Edition, , pp. Security Council st Meeting, March 19, , http: Freedman, who committed himself to finding and telling the facts about Zionism and Communism.
He gave me copies of materials on the Balfour Declaration which I might never have found on my own and encouraged my own research. He died in April The Institute for Historical Review is providing means for the better understanding of the events of our time. Attempts to review historical records impartially often reveal that blame, culpability, or dishonor are not to be attached wholly to one side in the conflicts of the last hundred years.
To seek to untangle fact from propaganda is a worthy study, for it increases understanding of how we got where we are and it should help people resist exploitation by powerful and destructive interests in the present and future, by exposing their working in the past. Regrettably, some of the company in that award would be hard to bear! The Balfour Declaration may be the most extraordinary document produced by any Government in world history. It took the form of a letter from the Government of His Britannic Majesty King George the Fifth, the Government of the largest empire the world has even known, on which — once upon a time — the sun never set; a letter to an international financier of the banking house of Rothschild who had been made a peer of the realm.
I should be grateful if you would bring this Declaration to the knowledge of the Zionist Federation. This was not done until after the establishment of the Civil Administration in This horse chestnut propaganda production was not dislodged from the mass mind by the short bursts of another story which was used officially between the World Wars. To know where to explore we must stand back from the event and look over some parts of the relevant historical background. The terrain is extensive and the mud deep, so I shall try to proceed by pointing out markers. It outlined the factors which he believed had created a universal Jewish problem, and offered a program to regulate it through the exodus of unhappy and unwanted Jews to an autonomous territory of their own in a national-socialist setting.
Herzl offered a focus for a Zionist movement founded in Odessa in , which spread rapidly through the Jewish communities of Russia, and small branches which had sprung up in Germany, England and elsewhere. In his diary Herzl describes submitting his draft proposals to the Rothschild Family Council, noting: I shall welcome all men of goodwill — we must be united — and crush all those of bad. Up till now I have believed that we are not a nation — but more than a nation.
I believed that we have the historic mission of being the exponents of universalism among the nations and therefore were more than a people identified with a specific land. Nothing prevents us from being and remaining the exponents of a united humanity, when we have a country of our own. To fulfill this mission we do not have to remain literally planted among the nations who hate and despite us. If, in our present circumstances, we wanted to bring about the unity of mankind independent of national boundaries, we would have to combat the ideal of patriotism.
The latter, however, will prove stronger than we for innumerable years to come. He then used this to open his way to higher levels of power. But when offered money for Palestine, the Sultan replied that his people had won their Empire with blood, and owned it. When my Empire is divided, perhaps they will get Palestine for nothing. But only our corpse can be divided. I will never consent to vivisection. He started a Zionist newspaper, Die Welt , and was delighted to hear from the United States that a group of rabbis headed by Dr.
Gustave Gottheil favored a Zionist movement. All this, and more, in a few months. Another leading figure who addressed the Congress was Max Nordau, a Hungarian Jewish physician and author, who delivered a polemic against assimilated Jews. But the Russian Jews thought Herzl was patronizing them as Askenazim. Zionism strives to create for the Jewish people a home in Palestine secured by public law.
The Congress contemplates the following means to the attainment of this end:. The promotion on suitable lines of the colonization of Palestine by Jewish agricultural and industrial workers. The organization and binding together of the whole of Jewry by means of appropriate institutions, local and international, in accordance with the laws of each country.
Preparatory steps towards obtaining Government consent where necessary to the attainment of the aim of Zionism. The efforts of so-called Zionists to found a Jewish national state in Palestine contradict the messianic promise of Judaism as contained in the Holy Writ and in later religious sources. Judaism obligates its adherents to serve with all devotion the Fatherland to which they belong, and to further its national interests with all their heart and with all their strength.
However, those noble aims directed toward the colonization of Palestine by Jewish peasants and farmers are not in contradiction to these obligations, because they have no relation whatsoever to the founding of a national state. It may be that Turkey will refuse or be unable to understand us. This will not discourage us. We will seek other means to accomplish our end. The Orient question is now the question of the day. Sooner or later it will bring about a conflict among the nations. A European war is imminent.
The great European War must come. With my watch in hand do I await this terrible moment. After the great European war is ended the Peace Conference will assemble. We must be ready for that time. We will assuredly be called to this great conference of the nations and we must prove to them the urgent importance of a Zionist solution to the Jewish Question. We must prove to them that the problem of the Orient and Palestine is one with the problem of the Jews — both must be solved together. We must prove to them that the Jewish problem is a world problem and that a world problem must be solved by the world.
And the solution must be the return of Palestine to the Jewish people. He offered the Sultan of Turkey help in re-organizing his financial affairs in return for assistance in Jewish settlement in Palestine. It is merely an expedient for colonization purposes, but, be it well understood, an expedient founded on a national and political basis. When pressed for Jewish colonization in Palestine, the Turkish Sublime Porte offered a charter for any other Turkish territory [with acceptance by the settlers of Ottoman citizenship] which Herzl refused. Some who favored it formed the Jewish Territorial Organization, under the leadership of Israel Zangwill However, Jews and crypto-Jews known as Dunmeh had played a leading part in the Revolution.
The Zionists opened a branch of the Anglo-Palestine Bank in the Turkish capital, and the bank became the headquarters of their work in the Ottoman Empire. They henceforth pinned their hopes on its collapse. It is our duty to convince the Turks that … they possess in the whole world no more generous and self-sacrificing friends than the Zionists.
The mild sympathy which the Young Turks had shown for Zionism was replaced by suspicion as growing national unrest threatened the Ottoman Empire, especially in the Balkans. Zionist policy then shifted to the Arabs, so that they might think of Zionism as a possible make-weight against the Turks. But Zionists soon observed that their reception by Arab leaders grew warmer as the Arabs were disappointed in their hopes of gaining concessions from the Turks, but cooled swiftly when these hopes revived.
But the strength of the national will forged for itself two main roads towards its goal — the gradual extension and strengthening of our Yishuv Hebrew: The Turks were doing all they could to keep Jews out of Palestine. But if Zionism were to succeed in its ambitions, Ottoman rule of Palestine must end. Arab independence could be prevented by the intervention of England and France, Germany or Russia. The Eastern Jews hated Czarist Russia. He will be spoken to. Fifty years later, the combined emblems became the flag of the Zionist state. It appeared on the heraldic flag of the Jews in Prague in Their yacht, the Hohenzollern , put in at Haifa, and they were escorted to Jerusalem by 2, Turkish soldiers.
Between and , there was an immigration of some , Eastern Jews. Though cut by the Aliens Bill of the Balfour Government, which became law in the summer of , immigration continued so that by there was a Jewish population in England of some , A leader of the fight against the Aliens Bill and against tightening up naturalization regulations in was Winston S. Born in the Crimea, and nurtured in the atmosphere of assimilation and revolutionary agitation in Russia, Jacobson had organized clubs and written about Zionism in Russian Jewish newspapers.
After the First World War, the era of the direct and indirect bribe and the contact man gave way to one in which the interests of nationalities, represented by diplomat-attorneys, had to be met, wrote Lipsky: He had to win sympathy as well as conviction. Until mid, the surface of European diplomatic relations was placid, reflecting successfully negotiated settlements of colonial and other questions.
The Advocacy of War and Rearmament , A. Were they paid or pure? Every anti-German diatribe in British newspapers added to German government concern as to whether it was part of a policy instigated or condoned by Downing Street. Further, there were groups in every major European country which could see only in war the possible means to further their interests or to thwart the ambitions of their rivals. This is why the assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand, heir-apparent to the Austro-Hungarian throne, on 28 June in Sarajevo, soon set Europe crackling with fire, a fire which naturally spread through the lines of communications to colonial territories as far away as China.
On 28 July, Austria declared war on Serbia. Germany sent an ultimatum to Russia threatening hostilities if orders for total mobilization of the Russian army and navy were not countermanded. A telegram dated 29 July from the Czar Nicholas to the Emperor Wilhelm, proposing that the Austro-Serbian dispute should be referred to the Hague Tribunal, remained unanswered. At the same time Germany sent a message to France asking if she would remain neutral; but France, which had absorbed issue after issue of Russian railroad bonds in addition to other problems, was unequivocal in supporting Russia.
Amid mounting tension and frontier violations, Germany declared war on Russia and France. German troops crossed the Belgian frontier on 4 August at 8 a. Lord Kitchener, who had left London at But this operation was very difficult, and required a large force.
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He preferred the alternative of a feint at Gallipoli, and a landing at Haifa or some other point on the Syrian coast. In Turkey, the Sultan had taken the title of Khalif-al-IsIam , or supreme religious leader of Moslems everywhere, and emissaries were dispatched to Arab chiefs with instructions that in the event of Turkey being involved in the European hostilities, they were to declare a jihad , or Moslem holy war. Kitchener planned to draw the sting of the jihad , which could affect British-Indian forces and rule in the East, by promoting an Arab revolt to be led by Hussein, who had been allowed by the Turks to assume his hereditary dignity as Sherif of Mecca and titular ruler of the Hejaz.
Kitchener cabled on 13 October to his son, Abdullah, in Mecca, saying that if the Arab nation assisted England in this war, England would guarantee that no internal intervention took place in Arabia, and would give the Arabs every assistance against external aggression. One dated 24 October committed HMG to the inclusion of Palestine within the boundaries of Arab independence after the war, but excluded the area now known as Lebanon. See Appendix I found a copy in among the papers of the late Professor Wm.
Westermann, who had been adviser on Turkish affairs to the American Delegation to the Peace Conference. Paul Gambon, on 21 October , of the exchanges of correspondence with Sherif Hussein, and suggested that the two governments arrive at an understanding with their Russian ally on their future interests in the Ottoman Empire. Palestine did in fact have inhabitants and shrines of the Greek and Russian Orthodox and Armenian churches, and Russia at first claimed a right to the area as their protector.
This was countered by Sykes-Picot and the claim was withdrawn to the extent that Russia, in consultation with the other Allies, would only participate in deciding a form of international administration for Palestine. The Sykes-Picot Agreement was incompatible with the pledges made to the Arabs. When the Turks gave Hussein details of the Agreement after the Russian revolution, he confined his action to a formal repudiation. The plan put forward by Samuel was in the form of a memorandum which Sykes thought prudent to commit to memory and destroy, Commenting on it, Sykes wrote to Samuel suggesting that if Belgium should assume the administration of Palestine it might be more acceptable to France as an alternative to the international administration which she wanted and the Zionists did not.
I imagine that the principal object of Zionism is the realization of the ideal of an existing center of nationality rather than boundaries or extent of territory. The moment I return I will let you know how things stand at Pd. However, in conversations both with Sykes and the French ambassador, Sazonov was careful not to commit himself as to the extent of the Russian interest in Palestine, but made it clear that Russia would have to insist that not only the holy places, but all towns and localities in which there were religious establishments belonging to the Orthodox Church, should be placed under international administration, with a guarantee for free access to the Mediterranean.
Czarist Russia would not agree to a Zionist formula for Palestine; but its days were numbered. In , the central office of the Zionist Organization and the seat of its directorate, the Zionist Executive, were in Berlin. It already had adherents in most Eastern Jewish communities, including all the countries at war, though its main strength was in Russia and Austria-Hungary. Some prominent German Zionists associated themselves with a newly founded organization known as the Komitee fur den Osten , whose aims were: Influential Zionists outside the Central Powers were disturbed by the activities of the K.
At a conference in New York on 30 August , this committee was set up under the chairmanship of Louis D. Brandeis, with the British-born Dr. We have got to be prepared to work under the Government of any one of the Powers … shall be glad to have any suggestion from you in regard to this memorandum, and shall be glad to know if it meets with your approval.
I recognize that I ought not to have put it out without first consulting you; but the exigencies of the situation demanded immediate action. We ought to be fully prepared to take advantage of any occasion that offers itself. He spoke of Zionist aspirations for the establishment in Palestine of a Jewish state, and of the importance of its geographical position to the British Empire. Grey asked whether Syria as a whole must necessarily go with Palestine, and Samuel replied that this was not only unnecessary but inadvisable, since it would bring in a large and unassimilable Arab population.
It contained arguments in favor of combining British annexation of Palestine with British support for Zionist aspirations, and ended with objections to any other solution. Prime Minister Asquith wrote: After further conversations with Lloyd George and Grey. Britain, France and Germany attached considerable importance to the attitudes of Jewry towards them because money and credit were needed for the war. Seligman, Speyer Brothers and M. The great majority represented the one-third of the Jews of Eastern Europe. Many detested Czarist Russia and wished to see it destroyed.
Of these Jews, not more than 12, were enrolled members of the Zionist Organization. In they sent a Russian-born socialist to the Congress of the United States. They produced dozens of Yiddish periodicals; they patronized numerous Yiddish theatres and music halls; their sons and daughters were filling the metropolitan colleges and universities.
From the beginning of the war, the German Ambassador in Washington. Count Bernstorff, was provided. In December the Embassy made representations which prevented a projected mass deportation of Jews of Russian nationality. German respect for Jewish goodwill enabled the Constantinople Zionist Agency from December to use the German diplomatic courier service and telegraphic code for communicating with Berlin and Palestine.
Such a course was favored by von Neurath [P] when asked by Berlin for his views in October, and in November of , the text for such a document was agreed upon and circulated after the approval of the German Chancellor Bethmann-Hollweg. The Zionists felt that an important advance toward a firm German commitment to their aims had been made, but when the Berlin Zionist Executive pressed for a public assurance of sympathy and support, the Government told them to wait until the end of the war, when a victorious Germany would demonstrate its goodwill.
When Zionist leaders in Germany met Jemal Pasha, by arrangement with the Foreign Office, during his visit to Berlin in the summer of , they were told that the existing Jewish population would be treated fairly but that no further Jewish immigrants would he allowed. Jews could settle anywhere else but not in Palestine. In the French Government had sponsored a visit to the United States by Professor Sylvain Levy and the Grand Rabbi of France with the object of influencing Jewish opinion in their favor, but without success.
A year later, it tried to reply to disturbing reports from its embassy in Washington about the sympathies of American Jews  by sending a Jew of Hungarian origin Professor Victor Basch to the United States in November Ostensibly he represented the Ministry of Public Instruction, but his real mission was to influence American Jews through contact with their leaders. Wolf consulted the Foreign Office and was invited by Lord Robert Cecil to provide a full statement of his views.
Early in a further memorandum was submitted to the British Foreign Office as a formal communication from the Jewish Conjoint Foreign Committee. Nothing came of these proposals. On 4 July the Foreign Office informed the Conjoint Committee that an official announcement of support was inopportune. But was a disastrous year for the Allies. In the offensives on the western front we had lost three men for every two of the Germans we had put out of action. Over , British troops were being immobilized for lack of initiative or equipment or both by the Turks in Egypt and Mesopotamia, and for the same reason nearly , Allied soldiers were for all purposes interned in the malarial plains around Salonika.
The voluntary system of enlistment was abolished, and a mass conscript army of continental pattern was adopted, something which had never before occurred in British history. As for paying for the war, the Allies at first had used the huge American debts in Europe to pay for war supplies, but by the resources of J. Lord Robert Cecil stated to the British Cabinet: The political outlook of Italy is menacing. Her finance is tottering. In Russia, there is great discouragement. She has long been on the verge of revolution. Even her man-power seems coming near its limits. Secretary of State Kitchener was gone — drowned when the cruiser Hampshire sank on 5 June off the Orkneys when he was on his way to Archangel and Petrograd to nip the revolution in the bud.
He had a better knowledge of the Middle East than anyone else in the Cabinet. The circumstances suggest espionage and treachery. Walter Page, the U. Ambassador in London, entered in his diary: There was a stalemate on all fronts. In Britain, France and Germany, hardly a family numbered all its sons among the living. But the British public — and the French, and the German — were not allowed to know the numbers of the dead and wounded. By restricting war correspondents, the American people were not allowed to know the truth either.
The figures that are known are a recital of horrors. In these circumstances, a European tradition of negotiated peace in scores of wars, might have led to peace at the end of or early Into this gloomy winter of walked a new figure. He was James Malcolm, [S] an Oxford educated Armenian [T] who, at the beginning of , with the sanction of the British and Russian Governments, had been appointed by the Armenian Patriarch a member of the Armenian National Delegation to take charge of Armenian interests during and after the war.
In this official capacity, and as adviser to the British Government on Eastern affairs,  he had frequent contacts with the Cabinet Office, the Foreign Office, the War Office and the French and other Allied embassies in London, and made visits to Paris for consultations with his colleagues and leading French officials. He was passionately devoted to an Allied victory which he hoped would guarantee the national freedom of the Armenians then under Turkish and Russian rule. James Malcolm now suggested to Mark Sykes that the reason why previous overtures to American Jewry to support the Allies had received no attention was because the approach had been made to the wrong people.
What really weighed most heavily now with Sykes were the terms of the secret Sykes-Picot Agreement. He told Malcolm that to offer to secure Palestine for the Jews was impossible. A day or two later, Sykes told him that the matter had been mentioned to Lord Milner who had asked for further information. That Wilson was vulnerable was evident, in that as early as , he had made known his profound interest in the Zionist idea and in Jewry. The money was paid, the letters returned, and Brandeis had been the nominee. Wilson had written to the Senate, where opposition to the nominee was strong: I have tested him by seeking his advice upon some of the most difficult and perplexing public questions about which it was necessary for me to form a judgment When Brandeis had been approved by the Senate, Wilson wrote to Henry Morgenthau: This anti-Russian sentiment was part of a deep concern for the well-being of Russian and Polish Jews.
Brandeis wrote to his brother from Washington on 8 December These changes of control from German to Russian and Polish anti-semitism are bringing miseries as great as the Jews ever suffered in all their exiles. In a speech to the Russian Duma on 9 February 27 January Gregorian , Foreign Minister Sazonov denied the calumnious stories which, he said, were circulated by Germany, of accounts of alleged pogroms against the Jews and of wholesale murders of Jews by the Russian armies. It is noteworthy that the chairman of the non-Zionist American Jewish Committee responded to an appeal by the Brandeis group that all American Jews should organize to emphasize Zionist aims in Palestine before the Great Powers in any negotiations during or at the end of the war, by dissociating his community from the suggestion that Jews of other nationalities were to be accorded special status.
A Programme for a New Administration of Palestine in Accordance with the Aspirations of the Zionist Movement was issued by the English Political Committee of the Zionist Organization in October , and submitted to the British Foreign Office as a basis for discussion in order to give an official character to the informal house-talks. It included the following:. But the rights of minority nationalities were to be protected. Other Points were, 3 recognition of separate Jewish nationality in Palestine; participation of the Palestine Jewish population in local self-government; 5 Jewish autonomy in purely Jewish affairs; 6 official recognition and legalization of existing Jewish institutions for colonization in Palestine.
Lloyd George, an earnest and powerful demagogue, was now prepared to oust Asquith, his chief, by a coup de main. With the death of Kitchener in the summer of , he had passed from Munitions to the War Office and he saw the top of the parliamentary tree within his grasp. In this maneuver he was powerfully aided by the newspaper proprietor Northcliffe, [V] who turned all his publications from The Times downwards to depreciate Asquith, and by the newspaper-owing M.
With public sympathy well prepared, Lloyd George demanded virtual control of war policy. It was intended that Asquith should refuse. Asquith also resigned to facilitate the reconstruction of the Government. The King then sent for the Conservative leader, Bonar Law, who, as prearranged, advised him to offer the premiership to Lloyd George. Asquith and Grey were out; Lloyd George and Balfour were in.
Lloyd George had been legal counsel for the Zionists, and while Minister of Munitions, had had assistance from the Zionist leader Chaim Weizmann; the new Foreign Minister, Arthur Balfour, was already known for his Zionist sympathies. The Zionists moved resolutely to exploit the new situation now that the Prime Minister and Foreign Secretary were their firm supporters. Landman, in his Secret History of the Balfour Declaration , wrote:. Weizmann was able, about this time, to secure from the Government the services of half a dozen younger Zionists for active work on behalf of Zionism.
At the time, conscription was in force, and only those who were engaged on work of national importance could be released from active service at the Front. Weizmann writing a letter to General McDonogh and invoking his assistance in obtaining the exemption from active service of Leon Simon, who later rose to high rank in the Civil Service as Sir Leon Simon, C.
Simon Marks actually arrived at the Office in khaki, and immediately set about the task of organizing the office which, as will be easily understood, had to maintain constant communications with Zionists in most countries. From that time onwards for several years, Zionism was considered an ally of the British Government, and every help and assistance was forthcoming from each government department. Passport or travel difficulties did not exist when a man was recommended by our office.
For this reason, Britain and France had formed an alliance and fought the Crimean War , which ended in the Black Sea being declared neutral; no warships could enter it nor could arsenals be built on its shores. But Russian concern for the capture of Constantinople was more than economic and strategic.
In , the Russian armies again moved towards Constantinople with the excuse of avenging cruelties practiced on Christians. Again England frustrated these designs and the aggression ended with the Congress of Berlin, and British occupation of Cyprus. Picot was the French representative in the negotiations. Men of military age were invited to serve in the British army or risk deportation to Russia. However, the Russian revolution prevented its unhindered application.
Who can imagine that the Allies lost , men in one battle, the Somme, and the British more officers in the first few months than all wars of the previous hundred years put together? The German losses at Verdun alone were , killed or wounded. He was sent to school in England in , being placed in the care of a friend and agent of his family, Sir Albert Abdullah Sassoon. Early in , he founded the Russia Society in London among the British public as a means of improving relations between the two countries.
Unlike the Zionists, he had no animus towards Czarist Russia. Only the diversion of whole army divisions from the Western to the Eastern Front under the command of General von Hindenburg saved Berlin, and in turn saved Paris. There was a direct effort by certain groups to support anti-Imperial activities in Russia from the United States,   but Brandeis was apparently not implicated. Sieff was appointed an economic consultant to the U. Administration OPA in March Gaster opened the meeting with a statement that stressed Zionist support for British strategic interests in Palestine which were to be an integral part of any agreement between them.
As these interests might be considered paramount to British statesmen, support for Zionist aims there, Caster said, was fully justified. Zionism was irrevocably opposed to any internationalization proposals, even an Anglo-French condominium. Herbert Samuel followed with an expression of the hope that Jews in Palestine would receive full national status, which would be shared by Jews in the Diaspora. The question of conflict of nationality was not mentioned and a succeeding speaker, Harry Sacher, suggested that the sharing should not involve the political implications of citizenship.
It is clear that the content of each speech was thoroughly prepared before the meeting. Sykes outlined the obstacles: The meeting ended with a summary of Zionist objectives:. Extra-territorial status for the holy places. The first three points are Zionist, the last two were designed to placate England and Russia, respectively  and probably Italy and the Vatican. Sokolow was chosen to act as Zionist representative, to negotiate with Sir Mark Sykes. The Zionists were, of course, coordinating their activities internationally. The reports reaching England of impending dissolution of the Russian state practically removed the need for Russian endorsement of Zionist aims, but made French and Italian acceptance even more urgent.
This at any rate was the belief of Sykes, Balfour, Lloyd George and Winston Churchill, who, as claimed in their subsequent statements, were convinced that proclaimed Allied support for Zionist aims would especially influence the United States. Events in Russia made the cooperation of Jewish groups with the Allies much easier. On 22 March Jacob H. Ulyanov Lenin and a party of about thirty were moving across Germany from Switzerland, through Scandinavia to Russia.
Some evidence exists that Schiff and other sponsors like Helphand financed these revolutionaries. On 5 April, the day before the United States Congress adopted a resolution of war, Schiff had been informed by Baron Gunzburg of the actual signing of the decrees removing all restrictions on the Jews in Russia. To such a task we can dedicate our lives and our fortunes, everything that we are and everything that we have, with the pride of those who know that the day has come when America is privileged to spend her blood and her might for the principles that gave her birth and happiness and the peace that she has treasured.
God helping her, she can do no other. My message tonight was a message of death, How strange to applaud that! In London, the War Cabinet led by Lloyd George lost no time committing British forces first to the capture of Jerusalem, and then to the total expulsion of the Turks from Palestine. The attack on Egypt, launched on 26 March , attempting to take Gaza, ended in failure. By the end of April a second attack on Gaza had been driven back and it had become clear that there was no prospect of a quick success on this Front. Three weeks later, Sykes was told that reinforcements were coming from Salonika.
Sykes was the official negotiator for the whole project of assisting the Zionists. Picot to meet Nahum Sokolow at the French Embassy in London in an attempt to induce the French to give way on the question of British suzerainty in Palestine. Sokolow had been previously unsuccessful in obtaining the support of French Jewry for a meeting with the Minister; since the richest and most influential Jews in the United States and England, with the notable exception of the Rothschilds, who could have arranged such a meeting, were opposed to the political implications of Zionism.
Sykes joined Malcolm and Sokolow in Paris. Sykes and Malcolm, apart from the consideration of Zionism and future American support for the war, were concerned with the possibility of an Arab-Jewish-Armenian entente which, through amity between Islamic, Jewish and Christian peoples, would bring peace, stability and a bright new future for the inhabitants of this area where Europe, Asia Minor and Africa meet.
Sokolow went along for the diplomatic ride, but in a letter to Weizmann 20 April he wrote: It is difficult to reach an understanding with the Arabs, but we will have to try. There are no conflicts between Jews and Armenians because there are no common interests whatever. Sokolow set off for Rome and the Vatican. When Sokolow returned to Paris, he requested and received a letter from the Foreign Minister dated 4 June , supporting the Zionist cause in general terms.
He hastily wrote two telegrams which he gave to M. Picot for dispatch by official diplomatic channels. One was addressed to Louis D. Brandeis in the United States. We have the formal assurance of the French Government. It is natural that M. The evidence certainly supports his having a part in helping a Zionist victory.
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Although the United States was now a belligerent, no declaration of support had been made for the Zionist program for Palestine, either by Britain or the United States, and some of the richest and most powerful Jews in both countries were opposed to it. The exception among these Jewish merchant princes was, of course, the House of Rothschild. He advised Brandeis to meet Balfour. Balfour, also with Our President. This is not for Publication.
A controversy then ensued in the British press, in Jewish associations and in the corridors of government, between the Zionist and non-Zionist Jews.
In this, Weizmann really had less weight, but he mobilized the more forceful team. The Chief Rabbi dissociated himself from the non-Zionist statement and charged that the Alexander-Montefiore letter did not represent the views of their organizations. In the letter you have published, the question is also raised of a chartered company.
I can only again emphasize that we Zionists have no wish for privileges at the expense of other nationalities, but only desire to be allowed to work out our destinies side by side with other nationalities in an autonomous state under the suzerainty of one of the Allied Powers.
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The Zionist body in Palestine was to be of a more organizational character for the Jewish community. Perhaps feeling that his statement had been a little too strong for liberal acceptance, Weizmann also joined this correspondence in the Times. Writing as President of the English Zionist Federation, he first claimed that,. An overwhelming majority of them had always had the conviction that they were a nationality, which has been shared by non-Jews in all countries.
The Zionists are not demanding in Palestine monopolies or exclusive privileges, nor are they asking that any part of Palestine should he administered by a chartered company to the detriment of others. It always was and remains a cardinal principle of Zionism as a democratic movement that all races and sects in Palestine should enjoy full justice and liberty , and Zionists are confident that the new suzerain whom they hope Palestine will acquire as a result of the war will, in its administration of the country, be guided by the same principle.
The competition for the attention of the British public and British Jewry by the Zionists and their Jewish opponents continued in the press and in their various special meetings. A manifesto of solidarity with the opinions of Alexander and Montefiore was sent to The Times on 1 June ; and in the same month at Buffalo, N. Mine is only the intention to declare that we, as rabbis, who are consecrated to the service of the Lord … have no place in a movement in which Jews band together on racial or national grounds, and for a political State or even for a legally-assured Home.
But while the controversy continued, the Zionists worked hard to produce a draft document which could form a declaration acceptable to the Allies, particularly Britain and the United States, and which would be in the nature of a charter of international status for their aims in Palestine. This was treated as a matter of urgency, as Weizmann believed it would remove the support from non-Zionist Jews  and ensure against the uncertainties inseparable from the war. The Zionists also had to counter tentative British and American plans to seek a separate peace with Turkey.
When Weizmann, for the Zionists, together with Malcolm, for the Armenians, went on 10 June to the Foreign Office to protest such a plan, Weizmann broadly suggested that the Zionist leaders in Germany were being courted by the German Government, and he mentioned, to improve credibility, that approaches were made to them through the medium of a Dr. The truth, probably, is that the Berlin Zionist Executive was initiating renewed contact with the German Government so as to give weight to the pleading of their counterparts in London that the risk of German competition could not be left out of account.
Lepsius was actually a leading Evangelical divine, well known for his championship of the Armenians, who were then being massacred in Turkey. When Leonard Stein examined the papers of the Berlin Executive after the war, his name was not to be found, and Mr. Lichtheim of the Executive had no recollection of any overtures by Lepsius. In this, Wilson may have been particularly motivated by his passion to stop the massacres of Armenian and Greek Christians which were then taking place in Turkey and for whom he expressed immense solicitude On many occasions. Weizmann, however, accompanied by the French Zionist M.
Weyl, forewarned, proceeded to intercept them at Gibraltar and persuaded them to return home. Had Morgenthau and Frankfurter carried out their mission successfully, maybe this would have been avoided. When I had dinner with him on 12 May at the Biltmore Hotel in New York, I asked him if Weizmann had told him how the special mission had been aborted. He replied that Weizmann said that the Governor of Gibraltar had held a special banquet in their honor, but at the end all the British officials withdrew discretely, leaving the four Jews alone.
The same evening, he told me something which he said he had never told anyone else, and which was in his secret papers which were only to be opened after his death. He later wrote to me, after he had read The Palestine Diary , saying that he would like me to deal with those papers. Lansing from time to time on Turkish-American relations and the treatment of Jews in Palestine.
Some were detailed, but the British Government did not want to commit itself to more than a general statement of principles. It read as follows:. At about this time, Northcliffe and Reading [EE] visited Washington and had a discussion with Brandeis at which they undoubtedly discussed Zionism. Multiple pressures at key points led Lord Robert Cecil to telegraph to Col. House on 3 September We should be most grateful for an early reply as September 17th is the Jewish New Year and announcement of sympathy by or on that date would have excellent effect.
In a widely publicized speech in Cincinnati on 21 May , after temporarily relinquishing his appointment as Ambassador to Turkey in favor of a Jewish colleague, Henry Morgenthau had announced that he had recently suggested to the Turkish Government that Turkey should sell Palestine to the Zionists after the war. The proposal, he said, had been well received, but its publication caused anger in Turkey. Government accepts the principle that Palestine should be reconstituted as the national home of the Jewish people.
Government will use its best endeavours to secure the achievement of the object and will discuss the necessary methods and means with the Zionist Organization. Brandeis saw House on 23 September and drafted a message, sent the following day through the British War Office. It advised that presidential support would be facilitated if the French and Italians made inquiry about the White House attitude, but he followed this the same day with another cable stating that from previous talks with the President and in the opinion of his close advisers, he could safely say that Wilson would be in complete sympathy.
On 7 February , Stephen Wise had written to Brandeis: Edwin Montagu who is a member of the Government and has certainly made use of his position to injure the Zionist cause. Weizmann also telegraphed to Brandeis a new Milner-Amery formula. The same draft was cabled by Balfour to House in Washington on 14 October:. It was reinforced by a telegram from the U. Brandeis and his associates found the draft unsatisfactory in two particulars. If American Zionists were anxious about it, Washington would act. The language of the declaration accepted by the English Zionists based as it was on the theory of discontent was unacceptable to me.
I informed Justice Brandeis of my views, called in Dr. Schmarya Levin and proceeded to change the text. Wise, I hurried to Colonel House. He cabled to the British Cabinet. Next day he informed me that the President had approved. I had business that week-end in Boston and it was over the long distance wire that my secretary in New York read to me the final form as repeated by cable from London.
It was the text as I had altered it. The Balfour Declaration, as stated, was issued on 2 November Its text, seemingly so simple, had been prepared by some the craftiest of the craft of legal drafting. Leaflets containing its message were dropped by air on Germany and Austria and on the Jewish belt from Poland to the Baltic Sea.
Seven months had passed since America entered the war. It was an epochal triumph for Zionism, and some believe, for the Jews. On November , Weizmann wrote a letter of thanks to Brandeis:. Brandeis, I beg to tender to you our heartiest congratulations not only on my own behalf but also on behalf of our friends here — and may this epoch-making be a beginning of great work for our sorely tried people and also of mankind.
The other principal Allied governments were approached with requests for similar pronouncements. The French simply supported the British Government in a short paragraph on 9 February Italian support was contained in a note dated 9 May to Mr. On 30 June , the following resolution was adopted by the United States Congress:. That the United States of America favours the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people, it being clearly understood that nothing shall be done which should prejudice the civil and religious rights of Christians and all other non-Jewish communities in Palestine, and that the holy places and religious buildings and sites in Palestine shall be adequately protected.
All people tend to see the world and its events in terms of their own experience, ideas and prejudices. It is a fact used by master politicians and manipulators of opinion who form their appeals accordingly. The case of the Balfour Declaration is a fascinating example of a scheme presenting a multiplicity of images according to the facet of mind on which it reflected.
There were critics of the Balfour Declaration, although among the cacophony of many events competing for attention, few but its beneficiaries concentrated on the significance of what was being offered. One was the Jewish leader and statesman Mr.
Edwin Montagu, who had no desire that Jews should be regarded as a separate race and a distinct nationality. He prepared a memorandum dated 26 October , on the penultimate and final drafts of the Balfour Declaration and related documents, and circulated it in the Cabinet.
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I am not concerned to discuss the question in dispute between the Zionist and anti-Zionist Jews. I am only concerned in the more immediately practical questions:. The same conception appears to underlie several other of the phrases employed in these papers, e. Now what is the capacity as regards population of Palestine within any reasonable period of time? Under the Turks there is no such place or country as Palestine, because it is divided up between the sanjak of Jerusalem and the vilayets of Syria and Beirut.
But let us assume that in speaking of Palestine in the present context we mean the old scriptural Palestine, extending from Dan to Beersheba, i. What is to become of the people of this country, assuming the Turk to be expelled, and the inhabitants not to have been exterminated by the war? They and their forefathers have occupied the country for the best part of 1, years. They own the soil, which belongs either to individual landowners or to village communities.
They profess the Mohammadan faith. They will not be content either to be expropriated for Jewish immigrants, or to act merely as hewers of wood and drawers of water to the latter. The result of the no less successful conversations in Rome and the Vatican were cabled to the Zionist Organization over British controlled lines. This was a period when elevations to the peerage for political and financial assistance to the party in power were so numerous that the whole system of British peerage was weakened. In , Isaacs was a viscount; in an earl. His interpretation of his action was clarified thirty-eight years later, when the World Zionists held their 25th Congress in Jerusalem.
In the free and prosperous countries it faces the kiss of death, a slow and imperceptible decline into the abyss of assimilation. If the contract with Jewry was to bring the United States into the Great War in exchange for the promise of Palestine, did they in fact deliver, through Brandeis or anyone else? For the German-Jewish princes of the purse in the United States, the evidence points more to the Russian revolution being the factor of most weight in determining their attitude.
Was it the Zionist counsel of Brandeis? In a careful study, Prof. Arnett showed in that Wilson had decided to put the United States into the war on the side of the Allies many months before the resumption of U-boat warfare by Germany, which was promoted as a sufficient reason. The success of British propaganda methods were acknowledged by a German soldier of the time when he dictated his memoirs, Mein Kampf , in Taken all in all, its results were negative.
British propaganda portrayed the war as one of just defense against a barbarian aggressor akin to the hordes of Genghis Khan, who were rapers of nuns, mutilators of children, led by the Kaiser — pictured as a beast in human form, a lunatic, deformed monster, modern Judas, and criminal monarch. Stories that German soldiers cut off the hands of Belgian children and crucified prisoners and perpetrated and all sorts of other atrocities said to have been practiced in Belgium, were circulated as widely as possible. The story about their making glycerine and soap from corpses did not appear until the end of April , when new stories were created by American propagandists.
Propaganda experts rated it highly. The head of the American section of the British propaganda bureau, Sir Gilbert Parker, was able to report on his Success in the issue of his secret American Press Review for 11 October before the Presidential election: Men of British ancestry still dominated the powerful infrastructure of the economy, filled top positions in the State Department, in the influential Eastern universities, and in the communications and cultural media. Britain and France were more identified with democracy and freedom, and the Central Powers with imperial militaristic autocracy.
From Oyster Bay, former President Theodore Roosevelt, recipient of the Nobel Peace Prize, performed high-pitched war dances of words in support of belligerency. But at the Democratic convention, and in the subsequent campaign, it was William Jennings Bryan and his allied orators who created the theme and slogan: Bryan had resigned as Secretary of State in June because he believed Wilson was jeopardizing American neutrality and showing partiality towards England.
House, a secretive and subtle flatterer who had performed services relating to the Federal Reserve Bank and currency legislation for Jacob W. Bryan had wanted to go on a peace mission to Europe at the beginning of , but the President sent House instead. House had actually sailed on the British ship Lusitania and as it approached the Irish coast on 5 February, the captain ordered the American flag to be raised. That evening House dined at the American Embassy.
A dispatch came in, stating that at two in the afternoon a German submarine had torpedoed and sunk the Lusitania off the southern coast of Ireland. It took 60 years for the truth about its cargo to be confirmed; that it had carried munitions which exploded when the torpedo hit. If she did carry them, it puts a different face on the whole matter! England has been using our citizens to protect her ammunition. In a telegram to President Wilson from England on 9 May , House said he believed an immediate demand should made to Germany for assurance against a similar incident.
I should inform her that our Government expected to take measures … to ensure the safety of American citizens. If war follows, it will not be a new war, but an endeavor to end more speedily an old one. Our intervention will save, rather than increase loss of life. Note in margine al libro di Franco Motta Bellarmino. Una teologia politica della Controriforma , p. Reinert, In margine a un bilancio sui Lumi europei , p. Secolo XIII , p. Maria Fubini Leuzzi, L'oratoria funeraria nel Cinquecento. Le composizioni di Benedetto Varchi nei loro aspetti culturali e politici , p.
La monarchia spagnola e i suoi eserciti Una questione di critica delle fonti , p. Critica della vanitas e immagini della melanconia , p. L'iconografia dell'eretico e del l'ateo tra Rinascimento e Barocco , p. Descartes en philosophe , p. A proposito delle ricerche di Oscar Di Simplicio sull'Inquisizione senese , p. Vincenzo Lavenia, Giurare al Sant'Uffizio.
Sarpi, l'Inquisizione e un conflitto nella Repubblica di Venezia , p. Rapporti tra fratelli e sorelle , p. Il paradigma della storiografia dei Lumi in Giuseppe Galanti , p. Un incontro con il mondo ebraico nell'Amsterdam del primo Settecento , p. Saggio bibliografico , p. Dario Mantovani, Le vocazioni del Discorso sopra alcuni punti della storia longobardica in Italia di Manzoni.
Longobardi e Romani fra diritto e poesia , p. Il mercato del lavoro a Torino nel Settecento , p. Il governo sabaudo e il diritto consuetudinario del Regno di Sardegna , p. Oltre la retorica dello stupore ed altre retoriche , p. Francesco Boldizzoni, Malattie monetarie e governo della moneta nell'Italia padana , p. Note a margine degli studi di Madrignani e Crivelli , p. Michaela Valente, Per una storia del "cristianesimo liberale ". In margine al monumento ginevrino a Serveto , p.
Botsiou, I rapporti tra la Germania nazista e la Grecia, , p. Rostovtzeff, Storia economica e sociale dell'Impero romano , nuova edizione accresciuta di testi inediti a c. Ricci, Il sommo inquisitore. Giulio Antonio Santori tra autobiografia e storia P. Giulio Firpo, Roma e i veteres hostes. Gli scritti di Carlo Cattaneo sulla Sardegna , p.
A proposito di alcuni studi recenti sulle cause matrimoniali come fonte storica , p. Studenti e viaggiatori inglesi a Torino nel Settecento , p. Declino ottomano e province di frontiera nei Balcani , p. Riflessioni su di una fonte , p. Lo scontro sui piani di studio negli Stati Uniti e in Italia , p.
Plinio il vecchio e la fine dell'arte , p. Testimonianze e interpretazioni , p. In margine ad un libro recente , p. Bowersock, Antico e tardoantico oggi , p. Carlo Cattaneo e le "Interdizioni israelitiche ", p. I primi anni dell'Ordine dei santi Maurizio e Lazzaro , p.
Antonello Mattone, Il Parlamento: Apogeo e crisi dell'epoca delle riforme nella Russia di Alessandro I , p. Due lettere inedite di Elias Bickermann a Franz Cumont maggio , p.