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But abrupt language mixture, deliberate language differentiation, and the development of secret codes all underline the same important point: In creating a new jargon or a new language, speakers will make use of whatever language s they already have in their common repertoire; and, though we might be able to come up with some ex post facto explanations for the particular forms and combinations we find in the finished products, it would surely be risky to predict in advance what a new language will look like, given the wide variety in the attested outcomes of such creative processes.

What we do know is that even here, with the most exotic mixtures, we find parallels in processes that are widely attested kinds of linguistic behavior, from children's codes to secret languages used for comparable purposes to deliberate but relatively minor changes in a group's language. What needs to be explained but won't be any time soon is why some pressured ethnic groups mix their language with that of a dominant group, while others lose their language gradually through the attrition of language death, and still others shift rapidly to the dominant group's language.

And some groups, of course, retain their original language under pressure, another response that needs to be studied and explained. It would also be nice to have an explanation for the fact that some newly emerging ethnic groups and subgroups in bilingual contexts develop new languages, while others make do with one of the languages already in their repertoire. I have no explanation for these varying responses, but I do hope to have demonstrated two things.

First, the linguistic means through which gradually developing mixed languages emerge can and should be analyzed within standard frameworks of historical linguistic analysis: And second, the processes that result in fast-developing, or abrupt, mixed languages, while they do not involve any kind of ordinary language change, do have close analogues in very common nonexotic kinds of linguistic behavior. Notes I am very grateful to Nancy Dorian, Bernard Comrie, and Peter Bakker for helpful and informative comments on an earlier draft of this paper, and to participants in the 12th Annual Conference on Spanish in the United States and 1st International Conference on Spanish in Contact with Other Languages Los Angeles, November for valuable discussions of some of the issues addressed here.

None of these people, of course, is responsible for any errors and infelicities that remain in the paper. Bakker asserts that Kormakiti Arabic is not a mixed language because it is 'basically Arabic' But since he provides no evidence or argumentation to support this claim, it is difficult to evaluate. I find it hard to imagine how one could legitimately exclude from the 'mixed' category a language in which over a third of the total linguistic material comes from one source and the rest comes from another.

Certainly it fits my definition, since the language's structures demonstrably come from two different source languages, with each source language accounting for a large proportion of the total structure. It also fits Bakker's own definition, according to which a mixed language is one that 'shows positive genetic similarities, in significant numbers, with two different languages' Ojibwe and Cree are closely related Algonquian languages, but there is no doubt that Cree is the Indian source language for Michif.

It is important to note that, while the original communities in which Michif arose were certainly bilingual or multilingual , current Michif speakers generally know only English in addition to Michif itself Peter Bakker, personal communication, Throughout this paper, when I say that in a mixed language the vocabulary comes from one language and the grammar does not come from the same language, the vocabulary crucially includes the basic vocabulary.

A language like English, in which the basic vocabulary comes overwhelmingly from the same source as most of the grammar namely, Old English, a Germanic language is not mixed, despite the very large amount of borrowing of nonbasic vocabulary that makes English dictionaries bulge with words of French and Latin origin. It is, for instance, largely because of the Bantu inflection in Ma'a that Sasse believes that Ma'a cannot have arrived at its present state by incremental borrowing of grammar; he argues that such changes as borrowing of morphology 'to the extent that entire systems are replaced has never been attested in an observable case' But the first stages of such a replacement are attested, for instance in Asia Minor Greek see Dawkins ; therefore, unless someone can show how a boundary is to be drawn between possible and impossible borrowing of morphology, it is surely rash to assert that such a boundary exists.

This suffix has attained a small degree of productivity, at least in borrowed words: The reason for the creation of a new Latinate plural instead of a regular English -s plural presumably lies in the fact that foreign nouns ending in us are regularly pluralized in English by -i. University of Amsterdam dissertation. Essener Kolloquiums uber 'Kreolsprachen und Sprachkontakte', ed. Bray, Denys de S. Census of India, , vol. Superintendent Government Printing, India. Die sprachliche und kulturelle Stellung der Mbugu Ma'a. University of Cologne M. Modern Greek in Asia Minor: A study of the dialects of Silli, Cappadocia and Pharasa with grammars, texts, translations, and glossary.

The life cycle of a Scottish Gaelic dialect. University of Pennsylvania Press. Pidgin and creole languages. Language shift and cultural reproduction: Socialization, self and syncretism in a Papua New Guinean village. Cambridge and New York: Geographia Americae with an account of the Delaware Indians; based on surveys and notes made in Translated by Amandus Johnson.

O nekotoryx social'nyx aspektax evoljucii jazyka. Voprosy social'noj lingvistiki, Halfway between Quechua and Spanish: The case for relexification. Historicity and variation in creole studies, ed. Arnold Highfield and Albert Valdman, Papers in memory of George C. Supplement to Word Constraints on language mixing: Pidgins, creoles, immigrant, and dying languages. Studies in language contraction and death, ed. Theory of language death. Institut fur Sprachwissenschaft, Arbeitspapier Genetic relationship and the case of Ma'a Mbugu. Studies in African Linguistics Double marking in morphological change.

Ann Miller and Joyce Powers, Berkeley and Los Angeles: Pragmatics, which studies language use to accomplish conversational goals such as requests, invitations, and offers, has been largely overlooked in language contact studies. It would seem, however, that an analysis of pragmatics in a contact situation could explain, and help resolve, any potential miscommunication between two or more cultures in contact.

The goal of this study is to determine the effects of Quichua on the formulation of requests in the Spanish of Otavalo, Ecuador, within the framework of Speech Accommodation Theory Giles and Powesland Originally, the term 'speech accommodation' was devised to describe variations in an individual's manner of speaking. Giles and Powesland observed that when two people are talking, they will often modify their speech styles so as to sound more, or alternatively less, like their interlocutor. This led Giles and Powesland to speculate that speech accommodation could be demonstrated by two opposing strategies: Convergence is a linguistic strategy in which a given speaker adapts his or her speech style to be more like that of the interlocutor Thakerar, Giles, and Cheshire Divergence, on the other hand, is a linguistic strategy in which the speaker wants to accentuate the differences between himself or herself and the interlocutor Thakerar, Giles, and Cheshire Both of these strategies can be accomplished in a variety of linguistic ways: Linguistic convergence can occur in the areas of phonology, morphology, semantics, or syntax.

That is, all four languages now share a common grammatical system. At the same time, however, each language retains its own lexicon. She found that estar is being expanded to contexts traditionally associated only with ser. Since this has been occurring throughout the history of Spanish, she concludes that this change is internal to Spanish, and is therefore not the direct result of contact with English, which possesses only one copula verb, be. She does however, conclude that contact with English has probably accelerated the extension of estar 'to be'. What first may appear to be changes due to language contact may in reality be internally motivated changes.

Be that as it may, in this study I explore the possibility of the syntactic convergence of Spanish to Quichua in the verb forms used in requests. The three basic questions posed are: What grammatical structures are used in the formulation of requests in Spanish and in Quichua? How do elements of the situation determine the selection of a particular structure? What has been the impact of Quichua, if any, on Spanish requesting strategies? This site is typical of other Andean areas in that there are two basic ethnic groups: Members of these two ethnic groups commonly interact in public situations.

However, privately there is almost complete separation. Intermarriage is rare, and friendships are formed from within one's own ethnic group. I spent a total of six months in Otavalo between , , and collecting both elicited and naturally occurring speech samples. A questionnaire in Spanish and Quichua was developed to elicit role-play responses. Two natives of the area, a monolingual Spanish speaker and a bilingual Indian, tape-recorded interviews with a total of persons. The interviews were conducted in a variety of natural settings i.

Each person was interviewed individually, and in both Spanish and Quichua if possible. Many bilingual Indians refused to be interviewed in Spanish, and no mestizo in this study knew enough Quichua to be able to answer in that language. Naturally occurring data, from different speakers, were collected in both public and private settings: The Indians were all bilingual in Spanish to varying degrees, and none of the mestizos knew more than a few words of Quichua. These settings yielded All the data have been transcribed, coded, and entered into computer programs.

The interviews yielded 3, requests: Naturally occurring conversations yielded 1, requests in Spanish, and 69 1 in Quichua. Blum-Kulka and her colleagues conducted an empirical analysis of requests and apologies across seven languages, including Argentinian Spanish. They developed a written discourse completion test in which the sentences preceding and following the request or apology were provided, but the person filling out the test had to supply the request or the apology.

For example Blum-Kulka, House, and Kasper At the university Ann missed a lecture yesterday and would like to borrow Judith's notes. Sure, but let me have them back before the lecture next week. They found that conventionally indirect strategies 2 were the most frequent requesting strategy in Argentinian Spanish.

The only other significant request strategy was the imperative, occurring in 40 percent of the total responses Blum-Kulka The results of the study in Otavalo, Ecuador, are different from those of Blum-Kulka and her colleagues. These differences can be divided into three categories: The use of the verb poder 'to be able' 2. The use of the imperative 3. The loan translation of a Quichua modal verb 3. Out of 1, elicited requests in Spanish, this verb was used only 33 times, or in 2 percent of the sample.

Examples of requests employing poder include: Although Quichua does possess a verb similar to poder, ushana 'to be able', it is never used as a modal verb. Instead, its meaning is limited to statements about ability. It may be possible that the limited use of poder in indirect requests in Spanish is favored by the lack of a modal corresponding to poder in Quichua. In order to support such a hypothesis, however, it would be necessary to conduct similar studies in other dialect areas both within and outside of Ecuador where there has not been any contact with Quichua, to rule out the possibility of an internally motivated change within Spanish.

Such comparison studies are currently unavailable. In the elicited data from Otavalo, the imperative is more frequent and is the primary requesting strategy. It was used in Imperative structures were the primary requesting strategy, representing Since imperatives are already commonly used in Spanish requests, as observed by Blum-Kulka Moreno de Alba This is supported by Lope Blanch If this is the case, then the higher frequency of imperatives used in requests in Otavalo may be due to indirect Quichua influence.

In the elicited data, the future as an imperative was used as the primary requesting strategy in both Spanish and Quichua in two situations. One was that in which the husband is saying goodbye to his wife, and he lists all the things he wants her to do while he is away. In Quichua the future was used in all 46 responses. Examples in each of these languages are: I am going to that other town. In all cases, the future operates as a true imperative, following the clitic pronoun rules for the imperative. A survey of the literature on Spanish and Quichua provides some clues.

As observed by Toscano Mateus Although he does not indicate when it is used, he states that the future was used as an imperative in Old Spanish to convey authoritarian commands. The literature on Quichua is more revealing. The Quichua command system is composed of a present -y and a future -ngui imperative ending. The present imperative conveys that the request is to be carried out immediately Mugica, n. The future imperative, on the other hand, conveys that the speaker expects the hearer to execute the request at a later point in time Mugica, n.

In addition, Carpenter Indeed, in I asked speakers in Ecuador to rank a list of request forms from least to most polite. Both monolingual Spanish speakers and bilingual Indians ranked the future imperative as being more polite than the present imperative. Thirty-eight monolingual Spanish speakers and thirty-four bilingual Indians were asked to explain how they select the present versus the future imperative. Their explanations show that expected time of compliance is the determining factor. The present imperative conveys that the request should be carried out ahorita 'right now'.

In addition, the speaker realizes that the conditions are right for the hearer to execute the command immediately. The future imperative, on the other hand, is used to formulate requests that are not to be executed immediately. The extremely narrow time frame for the use of present imperatives has resulted in major changes within the Spanish command system. For example, present imperatives cannot be used with future time adverbs. In addition, negative commands have been strongly affected. The narrow time frame for present imperatives shifts the meaning of negatives.

By uttering, for example, no cantes 'don't sing', the speaker is conveying stop singing. Since the event is not in progress, future time is implied. In some cases the future imperative can be used in Otavalo Spanish to express a more polite request by giving the hearer more time to comply. However, selection based upon the degree of politeness the speaker wishes to convey is a factor only in requests in absolute present time. If a clear future time is implied, the use of the future imperative is obligatory.

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A diagram of Spanish imperative forms used in Otavalo is presented in Figure 1, and is illustrated with the verb cantar 'to sing'. Although present and future imperatives occurred in Old Spanish, it seems clear that prolonged contact with Quichua has resulted in the semantic-pragmatic restructuring of the traditional Spanish command system. The basis for this restructuring is the clearly defined distinction in Quichua between absolute present time and subsequent time.

Spanish command usage in Otavalo, Ecuador. In the speech sample from Otavalo, the second person plural verb forms were found almost solely in imperatives. A survey of 38 monolingual Spanish speakers conducted in clarified this difference in usage. This parallels the stress shift on Quichua verbs and nouns from the penultimate to the last syllable for emphasis. In Quichua, however, such a stress shift can occur on any word, not just on imperatives e. Indeed, Spanish speakers do not simply shift the stress, but select an existing form which is stressed on the last syllable e.

This is the only clear case of the influence of Quichua on Spanish request formation. Ecuadorian Quichua has developed the verb carana 'give' into a modal, which is used with the gerund to express indirect requests cf. Examples in both Spanish and Quichua are: A loose gloss that conveys this softening effect would be do me the favor of.

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An analysis of the use of give plus the gerund in the elicited sample of Otavalo Spanish and Quichua reveals many lexical restrictions on its use. First, the main verb must be transitive. With other transitive verbs, the speaker has the option of softening the request with this structure. It is difficult to provide an accurate measure of the prevalence of this structure, since the full extent of lexical coocurrence restrictions 4 is not known.

The most significant fact about the use of dar 'to give' plus a gerund is that it was borrowed into Spanish as a translation of the Quichua modal, apparently along with its lexical co-occurrence restrictions. The necessity for communication between speakers of two different languages and cultures brings into play a wide variety of factors that influence the linguistic outcome.

It is especially difficult to determine patterns of influence when the grammatical structure being studied is common to both languages. It is for this reason that it is only possible to state that it may be that the relatively higher frequency of use of imperatives used to formulate requests in Otavalo, Ecuador is due to the indirect influence of Quichua. However, the analysis of language contact within the context of pragmatics clarifies the linguistic results. In this respect, there is a high degree of correlation between the verb forms used in the requests of Spanish speakers and Quichua speakers: The small number of requests in Quichua in natural situations is due to the extensive use of Spanish in commerce situations even when both the vendor and the buyer are bilingual , and to extensive code-switching between the two languages.

Requests are considered indirect when they do not contain an imperative Searle Instead, these indirect requests can be formulated with a variety of other grammatical forms, such as questions of ability Can you reach the salt? Searle goes on to explain that indirect requests are successfully interpreted as requests by members of a given speech community because they have shared conventions of patterns of use and interpretation p.

A classic example of a conventionally indirect request strategy is the use of Can you. Co-occurrence restrictions are defined by Crystal He cites as an example for English that eke co-occurs with out but not with in. Ash, Sharon, and Myhill, John. Linguistic correlates of inter-ethnic contact. Diversity and diachrony, ed. Requests and apologies, ed. A dictionary of linguistics and phonetics. Giles, Howard, and P. Speech style and social evaluation. Gumperz, John, and R. Pidginization and creolization of languages, ed. Hill, Jane, and Kenneth Hill.

Dynamics of syncretic language in central Mexico. University of Arizona Press. The gerund in the Spanish of the North Andean region. Instituto de Estudios Peruanos. Studies in the theory of speech acts. Bilingualism and language change: The extension of estar in Los Angeles Spanish. Current issues in studies of language contact. Psychological and linguistic parameters of speech accommodation theory. Advances in the social psychology of language, ed. Colin Fraser and Klaus Scherer, Consejo Superior de Investigaciones.

Van den Berg, Marinus. Long-term accommodation of ethno- linguistic groups toward a societal language norm. Aymara, like Quechua, has an obligatory marker that distinguishes the source of information, i. The studies mentioned above have found that the pluperfect indicative tense of Spanish is used by bilingual speakers to indicate that the event is known only indirectly, while the other indicative past tenses of Spanish the preterite, present perfect, and imperfect are used to indicate that one has been an eyewitness to an event.

Stratford , for example, concludes that data source indicationwhether one has personally seen the event in question, or notis a salient category for Spanish speakers in Puno. She states that 'the primary contrast in the altiplano past tense system is that between the pluperfect as a non-personal knowledge form, on one hand and the present perfect, the preterite, the imperfect, and the present tense as a past, as personal knowledge forms, on the other. Stratford's data are based primarily on the speech of lower-class speakers who are Aymara dominant and who would be expected to show evidence of interlanguage features due to transfer from Aymara.

The extent to which these interlanguage distinctions have permeated the regional standard is yet to be determined. Most of the speakers in Stratford's study also use the present perfect in ways that are nonstandard. In the Andean region, the present perfect is often used, particularly in informal speech, in linguistic contexts in which standard speakers in Peru would prefer the preterite. According to Stratford, speakers of Altiplano Spanish have assigned the Spanish preterite and present perfect functions of formality and informality, respectively.

A majority of the population of this city is bilingual in Spanish and Quechua, although the use of Spanish in most domains has increased over the past thirty years. The fieldwork was carried out during the summer of with the assistance of a bilingual Peruvian field-worker. It was possible to distinguish four groups of speakers: The first group is composed of campesinos.

These individuals live in the communities surrounding Calca, but have frequent contacts with and are dependent on people from the city. Many campesinos speak a fluent variety of nonstandard Spanish, although Quechua is the principal language spoken at home and in the peasant communities. This group was not included in the subsample analyzed in this study. The second group could be termed the lower urban class. This group comprises individuals born in peasant communities who have settled in Calca and who have switched to a more urban life-style and to speaking primarily Spanish.

The third group is the middle class. This includes individuals, some of whom may have been born in peasant communities, but who have finished high school and who have a small amount of capital, or a skilled or semi-skilled occupation. The last group are the professionals, individuals with college degrees. The individuals in this group are bilingual to a certain degree, but they claim that Spanish is their first language. This is the group that sets the cultural and linguistic standards of the community.

From the total sample of 62, a subset of 20 speakers corresponding to the latter three groups, between 17 and 40 years of age, was selected for the quantitative2 analysis. Their characteristics are shown in Table 1. The interviews lasted between 45 and 60 minutes and were recorded in a variety of settings, including stores, offices, fields, worksites, and homes. These language samples were transcribed orthographically by Peruvian linguistic students familiar with Andean Spanish during the summer of LC M 29 Prof.

BC M 39 Prof. Principal Teachers college Bal. JA F 39 Prof. High school Teachers college Bal. JC F 31 Prof. AM M 23 MiddleSubstitute teacher yrs. FD F 18 MiddleFamily business 1 yr. We sought to determine what verb tenses this population uses in narrative clauses which require the preterite or historical present in standard Spanish to ascertain what options are allowed by this variety of Spanish which has been in contact with Quechua for the past five hundred years.

For this purpose, we carried out a qualitative and quantitative analysis of the use of tenses in the narrative clauses of each speaker. Labov and Walesky's description of narrative structure was used to analyze the function of the past tenses within the narratives. Quechua has three past tense forms: The past perfect or 'reportativo' -sqa is used to refer to the following six types of events: FOC come outmu- sqa.

FOC 'It is said that there was [had been] no mass. The translation into Spanish can be in one of the past tenses or the present depending on the meaning of the sentence. He notes that the same usage is found in the dialects of Ayacucho and Cuzco. In addition to the tense markers, Cuzco Quechua has two suffixes 6 with evidential functions when used with past reference.

The habitual past is used to describe: It can be translated with either the imperfect or imperfect progressive tenses. We now analyze the use of the past tenses in the Spanish narratives of the bilingual speakers of Calca. Example 11 illustrates its use to indicate a repeated action in the past.

The speaker refers to her grandson, who was born two months prematurely: But before, was he also a driver? We didn't use to live, he wasn't here then, we were in. Y ella estaba en estado, estaba de siete meses.

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Con ese miedo ha dado a luz. A crazy man came and Caretas was there next to her, and. And she was expecting, was seven months [pregnant]. With that fear she gave [has given] birth. The crazy man stole [had stolen] and left [had left]. And it is said. There was, where the post is? With this kiosk, only two were beside it. Now here those two kiosks have been added. Then that way, and over there, it is said, that way up the madman was [had been] going with his magazine.

Half a turn the madman! That way, it is said, he threw [has thrown] the magazine at her what happens? My daughter thought [had thought] that he was throwing a stone. She became [had become] frightened. It also coincides with the habitual past and progressive aspect in the past tenses of Quechua. However, in some of the narratives of the lowest social group the imperfect is used at times with perfective value, as in And, from there, I have gone to Cuzco when they robbed the house, miss. All my body they took [were taking], miss. So that I would enter in the army. For people to enter in the army they have to inspect them?

Yes, inspect the whole body, the weight, everything. If one is healthy, if one is sick, if one is fine, all that, miss. The headquarters did not accept [has not accepted] me, miss. In spite of the perfective nature of his description, he uses the imperfect form, quitaban, instead of the preterite. They have killed an ex-student. JC VJB '. However, in Andean Spanish this form occurs in other contexts where one would expect to find the preterite.

Specifically, there are three contexts in which we have found a nonstandard use of the PP, i.


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In the first context, the PP occurs with a specific temporal reference, as in 20 Note its use in the verbs found in italics. In the second context, it occurs with the adverbial cuando and does not refer to a recurring event, as in the verbs in bold in 21 and GHB FOL22 'Yes, but that day happily it didn't rain [has not rained], when we went [have gone], we sold [have sold] the cooperative's corn.

In fact, in their analysis of English language narratives Labov and Walesky state that 'In general, the present perfect does not appear in narrative' Note its use in 23 Yes from there my mother other people came from outside she gave [has given] him away. At times it occurs in alternation with the PP or with the historical present, as in Esa hora de las seis, seis de la tarde.

Es que en el mes de agosto el agua es tibio. In the year 83 various friends [and I] went fishing. That hour of six, six in the afternoon. It's that in the month of August the water is warm. Yes, huge and it frightened us. It made us run. And that trout we have sold it to Mr. Another way that some speakers indicate they have not witnessed an event is with the invariant form 'dice' in combination with the present perfect or the preterite, as in 26 Those six ate [had eaten]. After drinking that blood, after eating liquor and liquor, liquor and liquor, liquor and liquor and the man dead at their side, ah!

PV FOL67 'Then that way, and over there, it is said, that way up the madman was [had been] going with his magazine. That way, it is said, he threw [has thrown] the magazine at her and what happens? She became [had been] frightened. He [the baby] came [had come]. So to go to Bolivia, like that, it was [had been], safe-conduct. I believe that it was [had been] validated for thirty days. Evidentiality is part of Realisassertion. The speaker defends the information that he or she provides by making reference to the source of evidence, which may be direct experience, an experience transmitted by others, or inference.

In relation to this, there are scales of distance between the speaker and the information: In regard to the grammaticalization of evidentiality, the Quechua of Cuzco is similar to the Jaqi languages, one of which is Aymara. Hardman describes this characteristic as an integral part of the cultural world of the Jaqi.

That is, the obligatory marking of data source constitutes the linguistic realization of a phenomenon that forms part of their conceptualization of the natural order. In this sense, the speakers of a language that possesses an evidential system must find a way to express it when they speak another language, like Spanish, in which such a grammatical codification does not exist.

Among the possible means offered by Spanish, the utilization of the present perfect and the past perfect respectively to mark the proximity or distance between the speaker and the reported events seems to be a reasonable choice. The temporal distance that these tenses mark in standard Spanish is transposed to an evidential distance in bilingual Spanish. The standard use of the past perfect presents an indirect reference; it indicates the time of one action through that of another.

In a parallel manner, the past perfect of bilingual speakers presents an indirect reference; it indicates a situation that is known about indirectly through a data source other than the speaker. In a similar way, the present perfect is used to indicate that the events are reported from a direct source, since in standard Spanish the present perfect includes in its meaning a deictic marker related to the moment of speech and, by extension, to the speaker. Its use by this group of speakers is extremely infrequent. The preterite, with its meaning of past and perfective, is neutral when considered from such a perspective.

The totals given in row one refer to the number of narratives in which the past tenses in narrative clauses are used as in standard Spanish, e. The professionals generally i. These two usages correspond to those of noncontact Spanish. There is also variation that does not correspond to standard uses: See Table 3 for a summary of tense use by each speaker in this group.

It should be noted that because JA was a relative of the field-worker, her narratives reflect a less formal speech style. This may explain the higher percentage of nonstandard uses compared with that of the other speakers in this group. In the narratives of the middle group the majority of the uses of the verb tenses 59 percent correspond to those of standard Spanish, although to a lesser degree than among the professionals. Table 4 presents a summary of uses by individual speakers in this group. Finally, the highest frequency of nonstandard uses of the verb tenses is found in the narratives of the lower group.

Table 5 shows that only 12 percent of their narratives follow a standard usage of Spanish past tenses; 88 percent reveal innovative uses. Only in this group can several narratives 21 percent be found in which the present perfect is the only tense used in all the narrative clauses. There are also more narratives than in the other two groups in which the preterite and the present perfect alternate 45 percent , and the use of the past perfect as an evidential can be noted in 30 percent of the narratives. The use of the preterite is much more limited in this group than in the other two.

It is evident that there is a clear preference for the use of the present perfect in the lower groupa usage that is also found, although to a lesser degree, in the other two groups. The next step in this investigation should be to carry out a study of possible semantic differences between the use of the preterite and the present perfect in the narrative clauses of this population.

This competition between systems is reflected in the sample studied in varying degrees depending on the social level of the bilingual speakers. In regard to this claim, it must be noted that the evidential modality can be found even in the vernacular speech of highly educated professionals; therefore, it should be considered an element that has been transferred. The question arises as to whether this element is compatible with the structure of Spanish. We believe that the answer is affirmative; indeed, there is no evidence of grammatical forms having been borrowed. Bilingual speakers have found a way of expressing an obligatory category of Quechua with Spanish forms.

The use that these speakers make of the present perfect and past perfect tenses should be interpreted as an extension or reinterpretation of the meanings that these tenses have in standard Spanish. In this situation of languages in contact, convergence has resulted in the semantic extension of certain Spanish verb tenses in a manner congruent with their original meanings. Note that in describing the use of the past tenses in Calca Spanish we have analyzed the entire sample of 62 speakers; the quantitative analysis of tense use in narrative clauses is limited to the 20 speakers characterized in Table 1.

Language proficiency was determined from the information on current language usage provided by the speakers during the interviews. All the consultants, except PB, claimed that they were exposed to both languages by the time they entered school, and many stated that they acquired both languages during infancy. Current proficiency in Spanish is very highly correlated with level of education. However, his Spanish has many characteristics of non-native speech, as shown in example The following abbreviations have been used in the translations of the morphemes of Quechua: The verb forms in brackets are a literal translation of the original.

Quechua has a system of suffixes used as markers of pragmatic categories. The two suffixes with evidential functions described here form part of a subgroup that marks the focus of a proposition. The information in parenthesis corresponds to: In the examples ''. Mind, code, and context: Data-source marking in the Jaqi languages. The linguistic coding of epistemology, ed. Wallace Chafe and Johanna Nichols, Labov, William, and Joshua Waletzky. Oral versions of personal experience. Essays on the verbal and verbal acts, ed. University of Washington Press.

Data source in La Paz Spanish verb tenses. The Aymara language in its social and cultural context, ed. University Presses of Florida. Romanica Europaea et Americana: Hans Dieter Bork et al. Bouvier Verlang Herbert Grundmann. Tense and aspect in oral Spanish narrative: Iberia, Latin America, and the United States, ed.

Klee University of Minnesota 1 Introduction In studies of language contact there has been a continuing polemic as to what degree one language can influence the structure of another. Thomason and Kaufman , for example, believe that interference can occur in all subsystems of language i. According to these authors, what determines the direction and degree of interference is the social context, rather than the structure of the languages involved p.

In this paper we examine the issue of syntactic permeability in relation to the transfer of word-order patterns from Quechua to Spanish. If word-order transfer between these two languages occurs, it should be readily evident, since typologically Quechua is a postpositional nonrigid V-final language, while Spanish is a prepositional nonrigid Vmedial language cf. Word order has been one of the most studied features of syntactic transfer. Some of the evidence supporting Odlin's conclusion comes from research carried out on the acquisition of Spanish by Quechua speakers in Peru and Ecuador.

They analyzed the speech of three five-year-olds, three seven-year-olds, and three nine-year-olds from Cuzco, focusing on object-verb, adjective-noun, and possessor-possessed orders typical of Quechua. As shown in Table 1, they found strong evidence for interference from Quechua in the Spanish of the nine children studied.

The youngest group, for example, had the highest percentages of OV, possessor-possessed, and adjective-noun order; for the other age groups there was a decrease of these word orders, which were being replaced by the word orders characteristic of the regional standard. The authors interpret these results as evidence of interference from Quechua. Overall, however, XV word orders are found most frequently in the speech of the incipient and Quechua-dominant bilinguals.

Note that in the specific case of OV word order see Table 2 , there is little difference between Spanish-dominant bilinguals and the lower and middle classes. A higher percentage of OV constructions is found in the speech of incipient and Quechua-dominant bilinguals. He claims that because SXV structures rarely occur in his data and SOV structures are absent , the XV structures that occur are the result of movement rules i. First, Muysken did not carry out an actual discourse analysis that would allow him to determine just how often discourse factors result in the placement of object nouns before verbs.

It seems dubious that the least proficient speakers would use these patterns the most because of considerations of style. Yet research Zobl has shown that learners around the age of five show a great deal of 'syntactic conservatism': In addition, a study by Escobar reports that Quechua speakers in Lima in the intermediate and advanced stages of Spanish language acquisition use few OV structures and confirms that this phenomenon is found primarily in the earlier stages of Spanish acquisition.

The results for OV word orders are found in Table 3. As Table 3 shows, there is generally a decrease in the frequency of OV orders, moving from the lower to the middle group to the professionals, although differences between the three groups were not large. What is surprising about these data is the large number of OV structures found in the speech of the town professionals.

As a point of comparison, note that Ocampo found OV order only 6 percent of the time in the speech of nineteen middle-class speakers from Buenos Aires. While OV word orders occasionally occur in standard Spanish, they are pragmatically marked and convey such functions as contrary to expectation and focus of contrast. Our analysis is based on data from two groups of speakers that form the extremes on a continuum of urban varieties: The first group comprises the town elite, professionals with college degrees.

Individuals in this group are bilingual to some degree, but claim that Spanish is the first language they acquired. This group sets the cultural and linguistic standard for the city as a whole. The data from a subsample of three speakers from this group were analyzed. This group is composed of individuals born in peasant communities who learned Quechua as a first language, but have settled in Calca and who now speak primarily Spanish.

We have analyzed the data of a subsample of five speakers from this group. We consider direct objects in Spanish to be those NPs that can be replaced by the clitics lo, la, los, las. Only affirmative constructions with lexical NPs have been examined, i. Because the number of constituents may affect word order and at present it is not clear if main and subordinate clauses share the same word order restrictions in Spanish, we only analyzed independent or main clauses that included no additional constituents.

For example, a construction like 1 was excluded because it has two other constituents in addition to the V and the DO: In 5 the direct object al conejo is coreferential with the clitic lo. For our purposes, what is relevant is simply that 2 and 3 have a postverbal direct object, and 4 and 5 have a preverbal direct object. We adopt Prince's typology of new and given information. New referents are those that are introduced into the discourse for the first time Prince's Brand New, Brand New Anchored, Inferrable, and Unused types. Given referents are those that have already been introduced Prince's Textually Evoked or those that are present in an extratextual context Prince's Situationally Evoked.

Informational word order is the ordering of a construction which only conveys information without any special overtones. When one of the constituents of a two-constituent construction is, or includes, an NP i. This majority of new NP referents motivates the postverbal position of the direct object Ocampo, As shown in Table 4, given an informational word order A B, the pragmatic function of contrary to expectation correlates with an inversion B A. The constituent whose referent is focus of contrast, focal, or topic appears in first position.

Therefore, the direct object whose referent conveys one of these pragmatic functions appears in preverbal position, as noted in Table 4. There were only five cases 1. The results of the analysis of the Calca data are shown in Table 6. However, we also found differences between the two dialects of Spanish, mostly in the data from the lower group of speakers. In the speech of the professionals, the vast majority of constructions On the other hand, for lower speakers only The reason for this difference is that, besides the pragmatic functions stated above, there are other discourse situations that correlate with an inversion of the informational word order: As we are not yet sure of the theoretical status of these notions, we prefer to utilize the descriptive term 'discourse situation' 5 instead of pragmatic functions when referring to them.

In the remainder of this section, we describe these discourse situations and illustrate them with examples from the data. In this case, the direct object appears preverbally when the speaker repeats a previous statement: Everything [they] eat up. The second discourse situation in which the DO appears in preverbal position is in a summary. The speaker summarizes a series of previous statements, as in 7: You crush that and in the frying pan in the seasoning you prepare it well. There are no cases of summary in the data from Spanish-dominant bilinguals.

For Quechua-dominant bilinguals there are eleven cases 7. The third discourse situation where the DO is preverbal is what we call agreement: Generally, the interviewer's statement constitutes an implied question, as in 8: I have a scar. We have distinguished between 'repetition' of one's own previous statement and 'agreement' with another speaker, which often entails repetition of a portion of his or her previous utterance. As shown in Table 6, there is one case of agreement in the speech of Spanish-dominant bilinguals 1.

It also requires the confirmation of observation through extensive repetition of experiment. In addition, in order to substantiate with added certainty the results of the experimentation, there must exist a constant refining of the method by which conclusions are reached and the hypothesis confirmed. In other words, the scientific method, far from being a process of mere repetition and often enough redundancy, is quite dynamic in its constant shift towards even greater precision.

While it is clear how this precision is desirable and achievable in the hard sciences, and why its process is necessary for the maintenance of what Thomas S. The disciplines to which I am referring are principally Psychology, Sociology and Economics. Ortega refers to these disciplines under the umbrella term ciencia: What these areas of study had in common was that they were still in their initial stages of development as formalized disciplines during the time the Revista de Occidente was being published. Formalization of a discipline requires the establishment of the criteria for its study, and the articles that are found within the pages of the Revista de Occidente contributed much toward the articulation of the standards of these disciplines through both their subject matter and their rigorous scholarship.

Of the social sciences, Sociology and Psychology are perhaps the most pertinent to this discussion. The Revista de Occidente includes a multiplicity of articles dedicated to these themes, and all are presented under the banner of ciencia. In the case of Sociology, it is interesting to note that the articles that we would consider sociological studies did not actually define themselves as such until the late s, after the Revista had already published many articles by Georg Simmel, Max Scheler and other scholars.

With the human and its environment as subject, and as they also display a tinge of nineteenth-century predilections towards the biological explanation of societal phenomena, it is possible to see how the authors of these articles would view their work as being a part of the scientific experience. As for Psychology, a similar case can be made, that the importance of observation, analysis, and with the behaviorists experiment legitimized for many the inclusion of psychology as a science. From these critical observations, it is safe to conclude that the Revista de Occidente and perhaps this is also true for other educational institutions of the time period held that for science to be science, it must at the very least be compliant with scientific method and make the attempt to be objective.

It is this emphasis on objectivity that I wish to highlight here as being one of the structuring principles of the magazine at large. Were we to reduce such a statement to its elemental nature, we would see that really, the Revista de Occidente was an avenue for exploring the ultimate products of both the objective study of reality and the subjective reactions to that same reality, with the goal of achieving a meaningful knowledge of the world and a recognitions of the means by which actuality is apprehended.

The Revista, in its eclecticism, was holding up a dual lens by which the public could view the world around them: When seen as a part of this larger project, it is not at all surprising that an article on the structure of the universe should appear alongside an essay exploring the current state of the study of Phenomenology.

And yet, the times being what they were, a certain marriage between art and science was to happen; this will be the object of our exploration in Chapters Four and Five. The Pulse of a Revolution. Of the hundreds of essays that comprise the fifty-three total volumes of the Revista de Occidente, thirty of them deal directly with the hard sciences. These are just the major articles, that is, essays that devote more than a few pages to their topic and go into some depth about their object of investigation.

While these minor mentions of science in other venues are fascinating in their own right, and indeed have much to say about the nature of the magazine, it is the major essays that concern us at the present moment. Science beyond the Pyrenees: The reason for the 14 I have made the decision to eliminate the discussion of the biological sciences within the Revista de Occidente, as Dale J.

He does, however, offer a challenge in his last paragraph, that I find both relevant to the discussion at hand and therefore worth mentioning.

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To analyze literary images of science in the Spanish cultural dialogue is therefore to take that dialogue at its word, to explore crucial nuances on the level of cultural discourse and in specific texts. The ensuing avenues of investigation in epistemology and reference, in systems of cultural signification and identity, and in aesthetics, all demand further criticism of literature and science in Spanish texts and contexts.

Pratt, Signs of Science: Purdue UP, Mostly, however, the Revista de Occidente was interested in publishing only the best articles that were representative of the field at the time, and this meant seeking collaborators abroad. Eddington, Sir James H. Jeans, and the most celebrated physicist of the time, Albert Einstein, contributed at least two articles each to the Revista.

The fact that these articles were not expressly written for publication in the Revista de Occidente is rendered unimportant when one considers the mission of the Revista itself: What is significant, given this goal, is that Spanish scientists could not provide this material, neither in quantity nor in quality. In fact, a close examination of the contents of the magazine warrants the argument that the Revista de Occidente was interested in publishing only those articles that managed to explain the new physical Weltanschauung brought on by the theory of relativity and quantum mechanics in the s, as well as relate those phenomena observed, unobserved and theoretical to its more central themes of philosophy, culture, and the human condition.

The fact that the first article that addresses the world of physics is written by Bertrand Russell is significant. Rather, articles and authors were chosen that were communicatively highly efficient: It is not the objective of this chapter to present a detailed description of the specific content of these articles; rather, the central aim is to submit to the reader an outline of the general concerns that these essays demonstrate when considered as a whole, and also as a continuum. In order to illustrate effectively the significance of this collection of articles, several aspects must be highlighted.

I will be giving a general overview of the contributors and their works, with a special focus on the case of Blas Cabrera, the only Spanish scientist to publish within the Revista de Occidente, arriving at a total of six major essays, more than any other physicist represented therein. Geographically, the scientists form two major groups: Thematically, these scientists can be grouped around the following areas: With these major groupings in mind, let us now move on to a consideration of the physicists themselves, their lives and their work, and their significance as a part of the developing continuum of rapid scientific advancement that the Revista de Occidente aimed to capture.

When the Special Theory of Relativity made its appearance in , it was recognized only by a tiny number of scientists; the General Theory of Relativity when it arrived in caused a much greater reaction as scientific conservatives began to build barricades to protect themselves from the perceived subversive nature of the theory. Newtonian physics relied on these absolutes as a matter of course; and, not insignificantly, such absolutism had lingering religious overtones that conservative scientists could not ignore.

Doing away with the ether in favor of empty space was one of the more scandalous by-products of the advent of relativity theory. The failure of the Michelson-Morley ether-drift experiment in sounded the death knell of the theory, and the emergence of relativity effectively marked the ether as pure fantasy, a non- existent entity that served only to preserve Newtonian mechanics on a cosmic level. However, the mere fact that relativity challenged the Newtonian view of the universe was enough to perturb Catholic doctrine.

Einstein was confounded by this reaction, and was reported as saying that relativity had little or nothing to do with religious doctrine. Historical and Cultural Perspectives, eds. Princeton UP, xiii. For Catholic scientists, accepting relativity as true would have implications for this hierarchy of identity, not necessarily because relativity undermined Catholic doctrine itself, but rather because it brought down the structures of classical mechanics, which did indeed largely conform to Catholic theology, in its own manner.

Primarily, it stands as an indication that Spain had a history of scientific activity, if not achievement, in centuries past, and that it had been enlightened enough to accept the ideas of Newton. As Maravall Casesnoves notes: Albert Einstein, resistant to what was shaping up to be the most important branch of physics since the development of his theory of relativity, was losing some of his clout within the world of the scientists; but on the street, in the average home, the man had become equated with genius, and the relativistic Weltanschauung was becoming a part of daily life.

Einstein, the commodity, was still significant in the eyes of the world, and his squabbles with the arcane complexities of quantum mechanics were largely ignored by the general populace, as well as by Ortega y Gasset, who continued to embrace him as the figurehead of scientific progress in the 20th century, a person who had radically reshaped reality—a scientific expression of the complexities of their modern life. Ortega y Gasset traces his support of Einsteinian physics to a speech given in in Buenos Aires. They are decidedly interpretative, and not infrequently manipulative.

Ortega uses Einstein strategically, indicating his early awareness of the theories see above themselves, but mostly employing the theory of relativity as a non-causal confirmation of his own historical perspective. Esto es evidente y trivial. Lo interesante es lo inverso: Many of these connections are explicitly historical, others thematic. Alianza Editorial, Sir Arthur Eddington was a British astrophysicist who had spent time as the head of the Royal Astronomical Society, but who was most famous for leading the team that went to Principe, an island off the African coast, in to observe the total solar eclipse visible from that location.

Eddington's study of the general theory of relativity began when Willem de Sitter, the Dutch astronomer, forwarded a copy of Einstein's theory to Eddington, who was then secretary of the Royal Astronomical Society. For several years, it remained the only copy of the theory in England. Eddington immediately recognized its importance and began to teach himself the intricacies of its mathematical details.

He revised the report in to include the results of his own eclipse expedition to the Isle of Principe in the Gulf of Guinea, which had confirmed a central prediction of Einstein's general theory: Eddington himself was so busy changing photographic plates during the eclipse that he did not actually see it. Weaver, Motz and McAdoo These results made both Eddington and Einstein celebrities in their own right and brought the concepts of the theory of relativity into the common parlance, albeit in a simplified, often distorted form.

His specialization was the internal structure and constitution of stars; he believed that stars were gaseous objects, and it was the state of equilibrium beneath their surface that interested him most. It was not this work in stellar physics, however, that made his name renowned even outside of the insular world of science—rather it 25 Thomas F. Glick discusses some of the distortions of the theory of relativity by common consensus in his book Einstein in Spain. Glick, Einstein in Spain: Relativity and the Recovery of Science Princeton, N.

Princeton University Press, These popularizations Space, Time and Gravitation []; Stars and Atoms []; and The Nature of the Physical World [] were all well-received, and were translated into a variety of languages—including Spanish: Douglas discusses his special narrative ability as shown in his first popular work, Space, Time and Gravitation: For three years before [] Eddington had been called upon frequently to present the new ideas and explain their significance to learned and to very mixed audiences.

His humour and felicity in selecting a striking metaphor, simile or quotation to illuminate a scientific idea enriched these addresses and gave him a new interest and satisfaction which led him to carry over this scintillating style into his semi-popular books. In Space, Time and Gravitation we find this gift for picturesque and vivid exposition of scientific ideas making its first appearance in his writings.

In this book, as also in some of his later books, he gave much pleasure to his readers by the inclusion of an apt quotation under every chapter heading. The range of the sources of Eddington's quotations throws light on his wide reading and sometimes underlines the puckish whimsicality of his humour. Jeans, fellow member and also sometime president of the Royal Astronomical Society Eddington served as president between and , Jeans during the years to , was an astrophysicist and mathematician who also took up his pen in an effort to explain the changing vision of the cosmos to an eager public.

Milne, also a British physicist, characterizes ten books out of the many that Jeans wrote during the course of his life as popularizations. Of the former, Milne writes that in terms of content, Jeans …gave special attention to the problems of cosmogony and evolution and to the general structure of the universe. Like his technical treatises, this book sustains the reader's excited interest from cover to cover. In addition, it implicitly gestures to an awareness of a certain controversy undergirding their selection: It was a spat that played out quite publicly through the publications and banquets of the Royal Astronomical Society and indeed other venues; E.

Milne comments that their battle was ongoing and never resolved: But this opposition did not extend to papers on other, even if closely allied, subjects. They tacitly agreed, evidently, not to refer to the thorny subject on which they disagreed. The work of Jeans and Eddington that we see published in the Revista de Occidente is that of two popularizers in their best moment. Eddington es profesor de la Universidad y director del Observatorio de Cambridge. Une a su tecnicismo, claridad, ingenio y profundidad.

The only drawback to such a strategy is that, for all of its communicative efficacy, analogy often lacks precision. This was a reprint of the same article as it appeared in the British magazine Nature, the same year. This recurrence to the metaphysical aspect of physics itself is a trait shared by Jeans and Eddington, each with his own flavor. Eddington, Jeans, Cabrera and Thirring all explore the idea at some length, all arriving at similar conclusions: The two articles published in the Revista de Occidente by A. Eddington deal explicitly with metaphysical and religious questions raised by the New Physics itself.

In any event, the contributions of A. Jeans as well as Bertrand Russell to the Revista de Occidente are an ideal representation of the general attitude of the publication towards scientific exploration. The authors are eminent researchers, greatly respected within their field; they are also well-received authors whose publications have reached a wide audience. But more than that, both scientists show a preoccupation with more than the empirical, objective universe of scientific exploration: Sir James Jeans las deduce del hecho de hacerlo.

By exploring in some detail their publications within the Revista de Occidente, I hope to have illustrated by example the criteria of the publication for the selection of its content with regard to essays on science, in particular, that these articles explore in some way the relationship between pure science and the world that surrounds it—that is, science as it exists within cultural constructs.

In the coming pages, I hope to show that these same criteria apply when we examine the rest of the scientific articles published in the Revista de Occidente. Physics on the Continent: The Quantum Mechanical Players The Revista de Occidente did a remarkable job in portraying the state of British astrophysics through a select publication of various articles by the leaders in the field. The editors of the magazine did an equally remarkable job with the trends in physics on the European continent, with especial attention to that of the developing field of quantum mechanics.

The articles chosen for publication are highly representative not only of the major philosophical questions raised by the principles of quantum mechanics, but also of the alliances between scientists that existed at the time. It is entirely remarkable that these five physicists should appear with equal voice in a magazine whose focus is decidedly cultural, not scientific.

This conglomeration of names and ideas is far from random—it is clear that the editorial board of the Revista de Occidente had a lucid portrait of the dynamics of the development of the physical sciences beyond the Spanish border. They are, some more than others perhaps, also popularizations of very complex ideas aimed at describing not the mathematical or scientific complexities of quantum mechanics, but rather some of the practical and philosophical implications of the theory itself.

In other words, while the players of the debate over matrix vs. This deference to the philosophical side of physical phenomena is maintained throughout the series of articles written by the quantum physicists between and The title of his article comes in the form of a question: He questions the supposed objectivity of the sciences as well as the view that scientific progress follows an almost inevitable path of development where one experiment must lead to one and only one possible result, and from that, the concurrent discovery that pushes science forward.

Similarly, Pascual Jordan begins his cross-disciplinary article with a discussion of Hume and the doctrine of causality. His analysis of causality hinges on the possibility of observable phenomena—a true quandary for the quantum physicists whose theories would be impossible to prove through empirical methods, as their very scale borders on the infinitesimally small: Jordan notes that the impossibility of empirical observation must give rise to the dominance of statistical analysis in imagining atomic and subatomic activity.

Of course, when probability is granted primacy, determinism must by default fall away. Jordan sees in the interstices of the debate between probability and determinism the outlines of the ancient polemic of free will. The trend of questioning the frontiers of science is continued with an essay by Heisenberg. He laments that these camps of thought have erected walls to enforce their separation, and yet he sees hope for new modes of knowledge where the spiritual world and the physical world come into contact, perhaps through the questions raised by the New Physics itself.

In general, as we can see, the Continental physicists tended to see their discipline as being in frank association with the systems of philosophy, and explored at length the implications of this juxtaposition. The sense of wonder that these physicists had toward their subject echoes clearly throughout their essays—a sort of verbal Uncertainty that required a voice that would offer a clarification of the vocabulary of science, now muddied by the New, and translated with some difficulty into the Spanish idiom.

That need would indeed be addressed directly by celebrated physicist and writer, Blas Cabrera, the seemingly lone Spaniard giving voice to the New Physics in his own country. The Special Case of Blas Cabrera Of the fair-sized collection of authors whose articles deal with the hard sciences in the Revista de Occidente, there is only one among them that hails from Spain, and that author is Blas Cabrera. Blas Cabrera stands out as one of the few scientists who were willing to support Einstein, as well as the findings of the quantum physicists.

He was not the first to embrace relativity, but, according to Thomas F. Glick, by , he gave his full support to the theory He explains that the general trend in Spain in the early 20th century was toward the development of applied sciences and technology, rather than pure research: Blas Cabrera, as a scientist, had as his focus the study of electromagnetism, and wrote several professional treatises on this subject. For this, he was duly recognized in scientific circles abroad, not only in Spain. Blas Cabrera contributed more articles on physics to the Revista de Occidente than any other author—six major essays and four book reviews between the years of and The six articles, in order of publication, are the following: Residencia de Estudiantes, A second version was also published: First of all, it is the discussion of relativity that is preeminent in each of the articles, even in those written in the years following the advent of quantum mechanics in the late s.

This is not surprising considering that it was as a proponent of the theory of relativity that Cabrera gained his reputation as a skilled writer of scientific popularizations. Even when the discussion ventures into distant territory, such as the nearly inexplicable behaviors of the quantum world, Cabrera always manages to highlight the fundamental importance of the theory of relativity in the development of the New Physics in general. Perhaps this is so, but the articles in the Revista de Occidente seem to affirm, if not the contrary, then at least that this interest was subordinated to the needs of his audience—the measure of the effectiveness of a great popularizer, which indeed he was.

Blas Cabrera had a gift of the visual metaphor when describing scientific realities beyond our powers of observation. He was able to effectively communicate the immensities of scale that were so often a limiting factor in the world of physics, which had once prided itself on being a discipline of observable phenomena. The New Physics dealt with the nearly infinite scale of the cosmos the shape of which Cabrera debated along with Einstein and de Sitter in the pages of his articles and studies that were now approaching the infinitesimal scale of the Planck length 1.

It provides an identity, a point of connection for the readership that is not entirely abstract or unfamiliar, a move which would be emotionally satisfying for the reader, even as it confirms how impossibly small we are within the scope of the universe as a whole. The article is a discussion of scientific progress, including the theories of relativity and the at the moment brand new field of quantum mechanics, and how it is that scientists know what they know. Acknowledging the limits of perception, Cabrera enters into a polemic about the role of empirical observational data in a scientific world that has seemed to have transcended this very basic principle of the scientific method.

Skillfully, he manipulates the discussion of atomicity into a forum for the new quantum mechanics, the advent of which he is the first to announce within the pages of the Revista de Occidente. He analyzes the two competing schools of thought: He is very politic with his conclusions about which theory is the correct interpretation of quantum phenomena, but seems to come down lightly on the side of Heisenberg et al.: It is this equanimity of presentation that truly sets Blas Cabrera apart as a popularizer.

Like Eddington, he considers the unique nature of humanity and the miracle of life and wonders at its presence in the universe. His tone is markedly different from that of the German popularizer Hans Thirring, whose extensive reasoning as to why we cannot reach other worlds ventures on the glib. In four sentences he manages to summarize the enigmas of our existence, bringing physics and technology into contact with the ineffable soul of humankind: Acaso se trate de un problema verdaderamente insoluble, pero nuestros 39 An example: His articles in the Revista de Occidente are a manifestation of a scientific culture in ascendance; however, many more scientists of similar stature as Blas Cabrera would be needed for Spain to truly be on par with the rest of Europe, and this project of intellectual integration would be curtailed by the Spanish Civil War.

Science, Language, Knowledge It goes without saying that in this flowering in the sciences was abruptly cauterized, with the war effectively halting most investigation and discovery in the hard sciences. The Revista de Occidente provided a forum in which this ideal was given flesh and form through its diverse offerings of the most current scholarship in a variety of fields, including the physical sciences. Most importantly, the platform of the Revista de Occidente served as a space in which these disciplines could interact and enter into dialogue through their juxtaposition within the pages of the magazine itself.

The very foundation of this interface, however, comes not in the form of thematic exploration, but rather within the realm of language itself. In a talk given in , just before the initiation of the Spanish Civil War, Blas Cabrera discussed the imperative of finding language expressive of the new realities of science: Allow me to cite at length: Es la lengua producto de la cultura toda de los pueblos que la hablaron, pues en ella va quedando el sedimento de la vida intelectual de las generaciones pasadas.

The effort to find new means of expression for the revelations of the New Physics was of great interest to all physicists, and we have seen this reflected in the content of the Revista de Occidente as it carefully juxtaposed content in a manner that proceeded to highlight the innovations in disparate fields and their shadowy analogousness. This will be the topic of the coming chapters: Language both follows and informs the times in which we live.

In the case of Spain in the first third of the twentieth century, literary language became elastic, stretching to encompass a rapidly evolving culture of perpetual innovation in the world of ideas—scientific, philosophical, and artistic—a moment that was documented thoroughly in the diverse and eclectic run of the Revista de Occidente.

La Gaceta Literaria and the Spanish vanguardia The emergence, dominance and eventual collapse of the Spanish vanguardia was a complex, polyphonic event, voiced through numerous periodicals whose proliferation came to signify the dynamism of the movement itself. Many of these magazines were extremely short- lived, but still influential in their promotion of the new poetics that gripped Spain in the s. It was, comparatively speaking, a grand shout amid murmurs of the aesthetic revolution, which was well underway by the time of its first issue on the first of January, The Gaceta was uniquely suited to be the chronicler of the vanguardia: Unlike the smaller magazines mentioned above, La Gaceta Literaria had no intention of limiting its scope to poetic events.

And unlike the Revista de Occidente, it did not necessarily cater to a particular, well- educated elite. And its scope, being wide enough to include within its pages a range of topics—literature, cinema, art, philosophy, psychology, sociology, and science—allowed for the creative interaction of fields traditionally kept at a distance from each other.

One of the most notable interactions that occurs in La Gaceta Literaria is that of science and culture. In fact, it is safe to say that La Gaceta Literaria distinguished between these two categories only with regard to the sub-sections and titles that structured the magazine. For the Gaceta, science was a cultural event, part of a cohesive conception of human knowledge and creativity that undergirded the vanguardia. In this chapter, I will examine in detail the way that La Gaceta Literaria expresses this vision of the interconnectedness of science and culture.

I plan to explore what it is that makes La Gaceta Literaria unique, how it differs from the Revista de Occidente in terms of its exploration of science, and by what avenues in manages to arrive at its own definition of ciencia. By investigating not only the major themes of the magazine, but also the voices behind them, I hope to outline the ways in which science played an increasingly important role in cultural issues and production. University of Texas at Austin, ix-xiii.

La Gaceta Literaria, I contend, is unusually and uniquely representative of the cultural, epistemological, social, and political forces that were shaping a Spain that, at that moment, was in a state of ideological flux. Form and Substance La Gaceta Literaria appeared in , at the moment when the formal experimentations of the Spanish vanguardia were reaching their peak. Born out of a spirit of collaboration and the need for a common forum dedicated exclusively at least in theory to literary interests, La Gaceta Literaria was immediately and warmly welcomed by the public both in Spain and abroad.

And if the international literary presses were critical of La Gaceta Literaria for its supposedly derivative format, the editors of the Gaceta had enough grace to extend their appreciation to these foreign magazines for their role in publicizing the advent of their new and soon to be quite influential publication. The brevity of its existence cannot be attributed to any of the usual culprits for the cessation of publication—a decline in funding, a paucity of substance—but rather to its peculiar historical circumstance.

La Gaceta Literaria came into existence at a moment in history when great shifts were about to occur; within its six year lifespan, the publication witnessed the toppling of the Primo de Rivera dictatorship, the complete overthrow of the monarchy, and the installation of the Second Republic in Spain. Such political upheaval does not come to pass without the presence of internal unrest and disquiet, even within the self-proclaimed apolitical 4 space that belonged to the vanguardia in the late s. Arconada, who stated as a response: Thus the Gaceta showed even in its early years an undeniably political disposition towards its literary subject matter.

Foard, The Revolt of the Aesthetes: See Guillermo de Torre, Literaturas europeas de vanguardia Madrid: This eventually resulted in the fall of the Primo de Rivera dictatorship, approximately three years following the initial issue of La Gaceta Literaria, the magazine that captured so vividly the internal fractures of the intelligentsia that would set a course toward the national tragedy, the Spanish Civil War.

La Gaceta Literaria se presenta a la vida dispuesta a tres afirmaciones: Otra, hacia el presente. Y hacia el porvenir, la otra. Gerald Fitzgerald Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, Ortega defines the generation in the following manner: Madrid, Barcelona, Lisboa, Buenos Aires se reparten diversos atributos de la mente provincial. Las otras grandes unidades de cultura comienzan a fatigarse: Hay que resolverse a pensar y a sentir en onda larga. Lo mismo en la villa literaria. The goal, therefore, of the Gaceta Literaria, would be an ambitious one: It is important to note that Ortega gave his blessing to the newly formed Gaceta Literaria, and then promptly disappeared, almost completely, as a contributor to the magazine.

There would be two more articles authored by him in the Gaceta, both published within the first eighteen months; his name would appear countless times within the writings of other contributors, which serves to reason, considering his status as a species of godfather to the younger generation of the vanguardia. It did not have ambitions to become the voice of European ascent and exaltation of the intellect.

The Gaceta did not wish to participate in the creation of a more Europeanized Spain through the publication of articles from beyond its borders, as was the goal of the Revista de Occidente. The focus of the Gaceta was rather the elaboration and expression of the current voices, literary and otherwise, erupting in Spain at the time, desiring to be the principal forum for the New Art. It would not be anything like the Revista de Occidente, except perhaps in the sense that many of the authors writing for the magazines were shared between them—writers such as Cesar M.

El ideal de un individuo, de un pueblo, de una cultura, solo es voluntad de ser plenamente lo que se es. He would be one of the principal contributors to the section dealing with Latin American letters, especially the surging literary scene in Buenos Aires and continued to write for the magazine as a correspondent, but he no longer belonged to the editorial board that directed the Gaceta.

He argued instead that it should be Madrid that carried that particular distinction for the Spanish-speaking world, as would be both linguistically and culturally appropriate. The tensions between the Gaceta Literaria and other Latin American cultural institutions proved to be short-lived, and the Gaceta continued to develop its readership in urban areas, especially Buenos Aires, where the presence of Guillermo de Torre served as a self- generating source of promotion. The Gaceta Americana appeared with some frequency, and was usually allotted an entire page; an entire issue is devoted to the state of Uruguayan letters.

Considering this amount of coverage of American affairs, it can be said that Douglas W. Again, these were not necessarily written in accordance with the project of the Europeanization of Spain—if anything, they have the tendency to put these other nations, peoples, and cultures at the periphery of a Hispano-centric worldview, or at the very least to be highly contrastive with Spanish culture, thus painting a distorted picture of the world s surrounding Spain.

The players who will become involved in this dynamic are an intriguing pair: The Gaceta was an entirely new organ for the vanguardia; in some ways, it could be said that the exigencies of its format shaped its dynamic, independent of the desires and declarations of its founder. La Gaceta Literaria was essentially a newspaper, folio-sized, confined to around seven pages per issue, published on the first and fifteenth day of each month.

Its space was strictly limited, and became even more so when control of its publication was handed over to the C. Says Hernando of the aftermath of the takeover of the Gaceta Literaria by the C. As a point of contrast for the spatial shortcomings of La Gaceta Literaria, we can take a glance at the Revista de Occidente, which had ample room in which to publish lengthy articles on topics in physics, biology, chemistry, mathematics, sociology, etc.

Virtually any subject of importance to the development of the Western mind during the years of its publication was available within its pages, and was rarely given short shrift. Articles of twenty pages or more were common; frequently there were essays of even greater length that were split across two or three issues of the magazine. Authors had at their disposal more space for exposition, as was necessary at the time to explain the newly emerging principles of quantum mechanics, for example, or for the publication of the latest studies by prominent national scientists and physicians such as Blas Cabrera, Gustavo Pittaluga, or Dr.

The Gaceta was, however, more widely read than the Revista de Occidente, and was published on the first and fifteenth of every month. In terms of its overall print run, it was comparable to the Revista de Occidente—about 3, copies were printed of each issue Hernando La Gaceta literaria, Despite this literary preeminence, in other areas it lacked efficaciousness—the format of the magazine itself severely crippled it as a forum for scientific advancement. The lack of space drastically restricted the amount of information that could be communicated to the reading public about scientific matters.

One possible explanation of this fact could be that there was simply not enough room for it in the Gaceta Literaria. Ledesma Ramos is discussing the new findings in non-Euclidean geometry when he says the following: In spite of this seeming lack, however, the presence of science remains significant for a variety of reasons which will be explained over the course of this discussion. Towards a Definition of ciencia: Development, Trajectory and Endpoint To begin, a point of contrast: How does La Gaceta Literaria, on the whole, define ciencia within its pages?

Does its definition differ from the one we discern in the Revista de Occidente? These are questions that we must bear in mind as we move forward with our analysis, and we will be returning to them repeatedly as we attempt to understand why it was so imperative that a literary magazine be inclusive of disciplines so far afield from its supposed focus.

As has been established, it lacked the appropriate format in which major treatises could be published that would have been of interest to a public visibly enchanted by the scientific and technological advances of their day. What the Gaceta Literaria did possess, however, was a space that privileged the quick summary of the latest controversy, the succinct book review, the announcement of an event recently held, or about to occur—in other words, the cultural news of the day.

Particularly relevant is the fact that scientific content was presented within the personalized context of an author, and therefore, allowed for independent reaction to scientific advancement, rather than presenting it whole and without a frame of reference, as it appeared in the Revista de Occidente. And, quite frequently, it was the state of science in Spain that was being discussed by many of the authors, taking issue with the historical lack of interest—and lack of output—in the sciences that had characterized Spain as lagging behind its Western counterparts, as well as recognizing that, as we discussed in Chapter One, there were forces in play aimed at undoing the centuries of neglect in the sciences, thereby allowing Spain to have a parallel Edad de Plata in areas such as physics, mathematics and medicine.

Sections devoted to science were, generally speaking, sporadic, with a preference for articles on medicine and the life sciences, and even some quasi-scientific ideas—sexology, in particular—that were in vogue at the time. Instead, the source of this power would be found among a bevy of other collaborators, each with their own specializations and quirks, as we shall see.

Imagen del Clero En El Cine Espanol de La Transicion

The first page of the first issue of La Gaceta Literaria lists a variety of science editors, varied by discipline: They stay decidedly behind the scenes and their role—their specific input—remains mysterious: The first part of this analysis must discuss the means by which science was presented in La Gaceta Literaria, how it developed, and the nature of its constitution. In other words, the implied meaning of ciencia as it is manifested in La Gaceta Literaria must be outlined and specified.

Examining the table of contents and the titles of sub-sections of the magazine, it is possible to discern a very general process by which science entered and left the pages of the Gaceta. Two articles in issue numbers ten and sixteen fall under this category: Then, it is knowledge.

Rafael Resa and the Eminence of Dr. Beginning with an article that harshly criticizes the university system for its backwardness in teaching zoology and botany, it is apparent from the very outset that the study of biology is struggling in Spain, along with most of the hard sciences, with the possible exception of medicine. In La Gaceta Literaria, as testament to the continuing problem of Darwinism, there are two articles that explicitly affirm the view that Darwinism and neo-Darwinism is an incomplete system, still open to critique.

The parsec measures the vast distances of space, such as those that lie between galaxies. The discussion of Darwinism vs. Lamarckism was not outdated per se, but the conflict was in its twilight elsewhere, certainly. I am including biology and medicine in this discussion of La Gaceta Literaria because it is necessary to illustrate my hypothesis that scientific matter was not presented neutrally, as it generally was in the Revista de Occidente. I do not plan on exploring in detail the relationship between biology and medicine and the vanguardia in a linguistic sense, believing as I do that the breakthroughs in physics and chemistry had more to do with the ruptures and slippages that are found in vanguard literature.

Aside from Darwinism, La Gaceta Literaria had another fascination with biology that requires discussion. How one gender differs from the other was a topic of decided interest at the time, and it is possible to trace the interest in these topics to the works of Dr. Works such as Tres ensayos sobre la vida sexual made a huge impact on the reading public, and the later works such as Los estados intersexuales en la especie humana , Amor, conveniencia y eugenesia , and Amiel.

Un estudio sobre la timidez were all reviewed in La Gaceta Literaria, and each dealt in its own way with the relationship between the sexes, and the socialization of gender, if not the entire human being. Between Freudian psychology and endocrinology existed this world of sexology, of which Dr. He had a dedicated group of followers, one of whom was a consistent contributor to La Gaceta Literaria: Rafael Resa was present in the pages of La Gaceta Literaria from the inception of the magazine until He was a medical writer—and practicing physician—deeply indebted to the work of Dr.

Of this incident, Douglas W. This letter was a most uncompromising augury for the future of the journal under a republican regime. The article is actually a review of a book by Eduardo Bonilla, another medical personality who appears several times in La Gaceta Literaria—another authority figure in the field of medicine who has captured the eye of the public. In these reviews, an image of Resa emerges that shows him to be a man of his time: In this way, Resa shows himself to be a faithful disciple, not only to his mentor, but to the prevalent scientific and medical authorities of the time.

So why, might we ask, feature him so prominently if he does little more than echo what greater figures were saying in other venues? The answer to this question is simple: Rafael Resa, 36 The articles that appear about or by Eduardo Bonilla are the following: Thus, Rafael Resa served a dual function for the Gaceta Literaria—medical correspondent and reviewer of medical literature, which, by , the date of his last article, formed its own genre and merited its own space in the magazine.

This phenomenon of scientist-as-literary critic is significant in terms of the way that La Gaceta Literaria tended to present science: First, however, we must examine the work of another important contributor to La Gaceta Literaria— Ramiro Ledesma Ramos. As Seen from All Angles: Ledesma Ramos held a prominent position in La Gaceta Literaria in that he was, essentially, the only writer who had the knowledge and the ability to address issues of physics and mathematics coherently. Uccelli about the parsec previously mentioned , and an article by J. Ledesma positively dominates the sphere of science and mathematics, owing in part to the fact that he held a degree in mathematics from the University of Madrid.

Ledesma acutely perceived the shifts that were happening in the related fields of physics and mathematics, and managed to capture some of the more salient connections between the two in his articles. Ledesma was thoroughly preoccupied with the state of Spanish science, but he did not allow his focus to fall exclusively on scientific progress in Spain. He occasionally glanced outward as well to the advances in physics and mathematics happening in other nations, bringing this information back to his compatriots through the pages of the Gaceta Literaria, and using it as a platform to launch a specific critique of the shortcomings of the system in which he was trained.

We shall now examine some of his critiques and the major themes that he explored in his articles pertaining to physics and mathematics during the years and , after which he ceased to produce commentary on these topics. As previously mentioned, Ledesma Ramos frequently drew attention to the interconnectedness of mathematics and physics, a fact that was undeniable at the time. It was the innovations in geometry in the 19th century by Gauss, Riemann and Lobatschevski that allowed Einstein to make his discoveries in the 20th.

In his first full article for the Gaceta, which was featured prominently on the first page of the 30th issue, 15 March , Ledesma interviewed the eminent Spanish mathematician Rey Pastor, who had achieved international fame, and was working to improve the instruction of mathematics in universities in both Spain and Argentina.

He astutely observed the way in which mathematics had become a rarefied field in recent decades, with Riemannian geometry, matrix mechanics, and set theory dominating the research world, creating an elite group of intellectuals who alone were equipped to advance the boundaries of mathematics. His creativity in this matter is matched only by his tenacity, and he launches the interview with Rey Pastor with the following question: The response of Rey Pastor will be discussed later in this chapter; of importance at the moment is the immediate awareness demonstrated by Ledesma Ramos that, historically, the Spanish were not known for their scientific achievements.

In other words, relativity theory was completely dependent on the discovery of a mathematical basis that would allow for the expression of phenomena such as the curvature of space. Ledesma is critical of Einstein in this regard on more than one occasion. For example, he reserves great praise for the Argentinean engineer Enrique Butty, who specialized in mathematical physics: Parece que el Sr. Physics without Mathematics is an impossibility; to understand the heart of the New Physics, one must be at the very least gifted in mathematics which Einstein purportedly was not, thus opening himself to pungent critique from known mathematicians.

The quote here, though, suffices in the sense that it gestures towards a reticence in Ledesma to let go of traditional mechanics, or even the mechanics of relativistic gravity, in favor of a statistically determined reality. Other topics in mathematics that Ramiro Ledesma Ramos explored in his articles varied greatly. From his obituary in honor of the death of a young Indian mathematician, S. Science as Cultural Event: What sorts of parallels were drawn in the Gaceta Literaria between science and art? What was the mechanism by which science acted as a cultural event? As we have established, the Gaceta Literaria had a unique approach to its presentation of scientific content.

The commentary was specific to the point of view of the author of the article, and presented within the context of la actualidad. And the context in the matter was, as a general rule, that of culture and cultural production. Instead, their work and their lives were a part of a larger cultural fabric that asked them to draw connections between seemingly disparate fields. All was culture—letras, arte, ciencia—and it would bring Spain out of a dark slumber and allow her to reawaken, revived and powerful, on the world stage: He begins by posing a rhetorical question: Editorial Anthropos, While he draws distinctions between the realm of the imaginative and the poetic, and the study of what is material fact, he still is able to connect the two modes of perception through their need for thought and knowledge.

Without order, be it scientific or moral, society cannot function. And thus science and culture share a common epistemological need for structure in order to complete their separate functions, which really are not so separate after all. Overall, these two introductory articles are essential to understanding the conjunction of science and culture as it was constructed and developed by The Gaceta Literaria, even in its earliest stages. These physicians were high-profile intellectuals with enormous reputations within Spain, and in Dr.

Of particular interest to this study is a single question asked in all three interviews: What is your opinion of la joven literatura—in other words, the vanguardia? Despite the presence of these works, Dr. As for the youngest generation, when asked about his preferences, he is evasive, but optimistic: Aun cuando no los comprenda del todo. Espiritualmente, es el mismo caso: Ayala 1 The stance of Dr.

The only problem for Dr. Recasens le interesa mucho la Literatura de ahora. Del tiempo libre de que puede disponer, tan exiguo.